Background
While Cicero was giving The Second Catilinarian Oration to the People, Catiline was making his way to Faesulae and his illegal army there encamped under command of Manlius; along the way, the conspiracy's leader attempted to raise the countryside to his cause and so bolster his numbers. He arrived at his camp attended to by lictores bearing fasces and under all the ensigns and regalia of a legitimate dux. The Roman Senate was very alarmed when news of this reached the city, and the chamber voted to declare both Catiline and Manlius hostes, "public enemies of the state"; further, the Senate announced that any who took up arms under Catiline would be granted a pardon provided they abandoned his cause by a certain day. Cicero was ordered by the Senate to stay in Rome and keep the city safe under guard while his co-Consul Antonius was dispatched with an army to march to Faesulae.
Despite the warning Cicero gave to Catiline's followers in The Second Catilinarian Oration, those conspirators left behind in the city (Lentulus, Cethegus, and their creatures) still made their plans and awaited the right time to strike. One of their jobs was to convince an embassage of Gallic Allobroges who happened to be in the city to join their cause: for the Allobroges had been conquered some sixty years prior and were complaining of abuses brought upon them by their Roman governor to the Senate.
When the Senate dismissed these claims, Lentulus approached the ambassadors in secret and made them a tantalizing offer: if they would commit their cavalry to aiding Catiline's army in his march on Rome, Catiline would be disposed to redress all their wrongs and (perhaps) bestow even greater rewards upon them for their assistance. At first the Allobroges heard what the conspirators offered and seemed interested; but then, after giving the matters some thought and attention, realized the very real danger they were undertaking. Taking this into account, they instead decided to sell out Catiline. The ambassadors approached their patron in Rome, Quintus Fabius Sanga (a descendant of Quintus Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus, the conqueror of the Allobroges and therefore their patron), and told him of everything; Fabius in turn told Cicero, who ordered the Allobroges to continue their contact with the conspirators so that they might act as double agents and report the secret doings of Catiline's men in the city to the Republican forces. To this end, Cicero instructed the Allobroges to ask the conspirators for letters and signatures in the conspirators' own hands to give to their countrymen in Gaul -- these letters were meant to signal to the Allobroges the seriousness of the conspirators' plans.
The conspirators found nothing demanding in this request and, upon writing the requested letters, committed their transportation northward to a certain Volturcius who would travel with the Allobroges, introduce them to Catiline as they passed by the camp in Faesulae, and then give the letters to the Allobrogic chieftains -- all of this went according to Cicero's design. On the night of December 2nd, as the Gallic party and the conspiratorial agent approached the Mulvian Bridge nearly a mile outside the official confines of the city, Cicero's trap was sprung: two Praetors, L. Flaccus and C. Pomptinus, were waiting with armed men on either side of the bridge in hiding; once the Gauls stepped onto the bridge, they were caught between two groups of men, their swords drawn. No fight broke out, and the Praetors seized all the Allobroges, arrested Volturcius, and took custody of the letters found on his person -- all of these were delivered immediately to Cicero.
As dawn was breaking, Cicero ordered the leading officials of the Republic to come to his house, and then he ordered Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, et al. to be brought to him. Explaining the matter to the Senators, they bid him open the letters then and there in order to read their contents; Cicero did not do this, as he wanted the letters to be opened in a public assembly, as it concerned the public interest. On the advice of the Allobroges, men were sent to Cethegus' house whereupon they found a rather impressive cache of weapons; when asked about the arms, Cethegus replied that he collected weapons as he had always had a soft spot for them. He doesn't seem to have been believed.
Summoning a meeting of the Senate at the Temple of Concord, Cicero brought all the pertinent parties (Allobroges and Volturcius) and the incriminating evidence.
First, Volturcius was brought in by himself and questioned by the Senate -- he revealed all.
Second, the Allobroges were brought in and questioned -- they also revealed all.
Next, the accused were brought in and each in turn were shown the letter they had written and asked if they were able to identify their seal on the letter. When they confirmed that the seals were theirs, the letters were opened and read. Incriminated by their own words written in their own hands, each man kept his eyes downcast, only occasionally glancing at each other. Lentulus, when asked if he had ever considered what his noble grandfather, whose image adorned the seal, would think of his grandson selling out Rome to rebels and Gauls, became so overcome by his conscience that he broke down and confessed everything.
This done, the Senate began their debate, which Cicero records below in his speech to the People:
Thanks were to be given to Cicero for saving the Republic.
Thanks were to be given to the Praetors L. Flaccus and C. Pomptinus for the aid they supplied to Cicero in arresting the Allobroges at the Mulvian Bridge.
Thanks were to be given to M. Antonius, Cicero's co-Consul, for his aid and service.
P. Lentulus was to be stripped of his Praetorship and then delivered into custody along with the following who were currently present: C. Cethegus; L. Statilius; and P. Gabinius.
The following men who were not currently present were to be delivered into custody: L. Cassius; M. Caparius; P. Furius; Q. Manlius Chilo; and P. Umbrenus.
Once Lentulus was no longer a Praetor and the conspirators were led from the temple into custody, Cicero mounted the Rostra and delivered the following speech to the People:
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Upon the Republic, Quirites, lay ye now your eyes; ye also see as well all your lives, your goods, your fortunes, your wives and children, and this, the modest home of so outstanding a power, yea this most fortunate and most beautiful city, on this very day by the greatest love of the deathless gods, by my toils, by my planning, and by risks to myself hath the Republic been from fire and the sword -- and even from nearly the jaws of fate itself! -- been for ye saved and restored.
And if to us are these days in which we are saved no less joyful and distinguished than those in which we are born -- given that assured is the state of happiness when being saved, but the state of being born is unassured, and given that without awareness of our senses are we born, but with pleasure we are saved, -- then, since him who founded the this city we have to the deathless gods borne up with well-wishes and praise, to be kept in the minds of ye and your descendants in honor ought he to be, he who hath this very same city protected. For against the whole city, her temples, shrines, roofs and walls were fires cast and very nearly all-encircling -- but these we have stamped out! And the swords which against the Republic were drawn we have turned aside, and their daggers have we pushed down from our throats!
Since these facts were in the Senate presented, made plain, and discovered through me, to ye I shall now explain in short, O Quirites, so that, of the tally, of how plain, and by what reasoning these matters were investigated and seized may ye, ye who have been unknowing of the facts and await them, be allowed to know. When first Catilina a few days ago burst out from the city, while the allies of his wickedness, the most savage leader of this godless war he had left behind at Rome, ever was I on guard and foresightful, O Quirites, to such a degree that while we were among so many and such hidden plots we were able to be saved! For at that time when from the city Catilina I was busy casting out -- for no longer do I fear the ill-will associated with this accusation, since greater must be feared the ill-will towards me given that he left alive -- but at that time, while him I wished to be executed, either that that remaining handful of conspirators would at the same time leave, or those who had stayed behind would be feeble without him, and weak as well -- this was my thinking.
And as I -- yea, I did see those men, those whom in the fiery throes of the greatest madness and wickedness I knew to be, those who were among us and at Rome remained -- at this issue every day and night I spent, so that whatever they might do, whatever they might plot, I might know of it and see it; and so that, since on account of the unbelievable degree of criminality my speech may little credence gain your ears, I may fully grasp the matter at hand; and so that finally then, ye may at your own discretion see to your own safety after ye with your own eyes see the wrongdoing itself. And so: I discovered that ambassadors of the Allobroges, who were for the sake of rousing a war across the Alps and a Gallic uprising, approached by P. Lentulus, and these ambassadors were into Gallia sent to their own citizens and on that same journey carried letters and information to Catilina; and that an associate was joined to them, a one T. Volturcius, and yea, to this man were given letters for Catilina -- thus an opportunity had presented itself to me, methought, so that, though it was most difficult -- and I was ever praying to the deathless gods! -- the entire affair might not only be by me plainly understood, but also by the Senate and by ye.
And so, yesterday L. Flaccus and C. Pomptinus, Praetors both, most brave and loving of the Republic, I summoned to myself, and I explained the matter, and laid out what it pleased me to happen. And these men, who understand everything exemplary and outstanding about the Republic, without hesitation and any delay did the business undertake, and, as evening came on, they in secret arrived at the Mulvian Bridge. There, in the nearest farmhouses on either side they thus waited, so that the Tiber and the bridge lay betwixt them. To the same place had they themselves led out -- without any suspicion of anything -- many brave men, and I had sent several picked youths from the præfecture of Reate, of whom I am thoroughly making use in the Republic's defense, all armed with blades.
By and by, at nearly the Third Watch's announcement, then, when to the Mulvian Bridge in a great crowd did the ambassadors of the Allobroges begin to approach together with Volturcius, an attack was made upon them. Drawn are their swords, as are ours. The whole matter is to the Praetors known, and unknown to everyone else. Then at the intervention of Pomptinus and Flaccus, the fight which had been joined is settled. Letters, which were on every man in that company, with seals intact are to the Praetors handed over. The creatures themselves were arrested and, while daylight was getting on, are brought to me. And the most wicked plotter of all of these crimes, Cimber Gabinius, who suspected nothing, forthwith to me I summoned. Then likewise was called L. Statilius, and after him C. Cethegus. Most late did Lentulus come -- I believe that in writing his letter he might have past his usual hour last night kept himself up.
When it pleased the highest and most illustrious men of this state, who, once having heard of the affair, were assembling and had gathered at my home early this morning, that the letters be opened by me before they be shared with the Senate, lest, if nothing be found in them, rashly such an uproar might not seem by me to be cast upon the citizenry, but I said that I would not do something as not share the entire affair concerning public danger to the public assembly. For yea, O Quirites, if these letters, which had been handed over to me, had not been found on them, I nevertheless did not think that in such dangers to the Republic must I grow to fear excessive care. I the Senate to quickly assemble, as ye see it, did bid.
Meanwhile, at once at the advice of the Allobroges, I did C. Sulpicius, a Prætor, brave man, send off, so that he might from the home of Cethegus take any sort of weapons there might be -- and from the house he did a very large number of daggers and swords bring back. I introduced Volturcius without the Galli. To him I the public oath give at the instruction of the Senate for his safety. I urged him of the things which he knew to speak without fear. Then he spake, when scarcely he had from his great fear recovered, that he had from P. Lentulus orders and letters to Catilina, which asked that he make use of a contingent of slaves, that to the city he should as soon as possible come with his army. Moreover, it was according to this design, that, when the city they had in all quarters set aflame, to such an extent as had been written down and divvied up, and an endless slaughter of the citizens had they made, Catilina should then be at hand, so that he might both scoop up the fleeing and join himself to his leaders in the city.
Then introduced were the Galli, who spake that they had made an oath and that letters from Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius they had for their own people, and thus had they been appointed by these men and by L. Cassius to send cavalry into Italy as soon as possible. Their infantry would not fail. Moreover, Lentulus assured them by the utterances of the Sibyl and the pronouncements of the soothsayers that he himself was that third Cornelius, to whom a king's rule o'er this city and empire must, according to divine law, come. Cinna before him, saieth he, and Sulla there also was. Spake he that this same fatal year was the death of this city and empire, which was the tenth year after the virgins' acquittal, which was besides the twentieth after the Capitolium's burning.
In addition, spake they that there was between Cethegus and the rest a problem, for to Lentulus and the others did it please that on the Saturnalia the slaughter happen and the city be burnt, but to Cethegus that seemed a long time. And lest our own time here take too long, O Quirites, we then ordered the seals brought forth, which by each of the men they were said to have been given. At the outset we showed Cethegus his seal -- it he recognized. We cut the cord. We read. There had been written in the very man's hand addressed to the Allobroges' senate and people that he would do what he had promised to their ambassadors. He asked that they do likewise that which their ambassadors had arranged. Then Cethegus, who some time ago had replied and said concerning the swords and daggers which had been seized at his home that he always had an enthusiasm for armaments, now after his letters were read he fell stricken and downcast by his conscience, and he suddenly fell utterly silent. Then brought in was Statilius; he recognized his seal and his own handwriting. Recited were his letters in nearly the same vein as the others. He confessed. Then I showed the tablets to Lentulus and asked him if he recognized his seal. He nodded. "But it is," spake I, "a quite well known seal, a likeness of thy grandfather, a most famous man who wholeheartedly loved his country and his fellow citizens. Yea, though silent, it ought to have called thee back from such wickedness."
Read are the letters written of the same tenor to the senate of the Allobroges and their people. If anything he wished to say concerning these things, I gave him leave. And yea, at first he denied it! And after some time, when then the entire thing was explained and concluded, he rose. He asked of the Galli what had he to do with them, for what reason had they come to his home; and he asked the same of Volturcius. When to him they had briefly and steadily made reply, under whose direction they had so often come to him, and then they asked of him if he had nothing said to them concerning the Sibylline prophecies, then he, mad with wickedness, did reveal how great the force of conscience is. For, when he was able to deny it, all of a sudden despite the opinion of everyone he confessed. So that it was not only his genius and his training in speaking, in which he was always eminent, but also on account of the force of his plain and publicly made wickedness did his shame in which he surpassed all, and did his evil leave him.
But Volturcius all of a sudden bid letters be produced and opened, letters which he was saying had been given to him by Lentulus to Catilina. And there most vehemently did Lentulus become upset even though both his own seal and handwriting he recognized. And yet it was nameless and ran thus: "Who I am thou shalt know from he whom I have sent to thee. Take care that thou act like a man and know into what place thou hast progressed. See what is now necessary to thee and take care that all reinforcements thou join to thyself, even the lowest orders." Then Gabinius was led in, and, although he first began to impudently reply, at the end he nothing denied of these things which the Galli were alleging.
And yea, to me, O Quirites, when most firm seemed those arguments and evidences of wickedness, the tablets, the seals, the handwriting, and, at last, the confession of each one, but much more was it their color, their eyes, their expressions, their silence. For here were they dumbfounded, here were they keeping their eyes to the ground, here they occasionally in secret exchanged glances, such that not did they seem to be accused by each other, but that they themselves seem to accuse themselves. The evidences explained and concluded, O Quirites, I consulted the Senate concerning what it would please it to happen concerning the greatest good to the Republic. Said by the leading officials of the state the most severe and bold statements which the Senate without any hesitation carried out. And since not yet written out is the decree of the Senate, I shall from memory, O Quirites, explain to ye what the Senate hath decreed.
First, are to me thanks with the most fulfilling words made, because by my valor, my counsel, and my foresight hath the Republic been freed from the greatest dangers. Then, L. Flaccus and C. Pomptinus, Praetors both, because of their brave and loyal assistance I made use, are deservedly and rightly rewarded.
And also to that brave man, my colleague, is praise awarded, because those who had been participants of this conspiracy, he had removed from his own and from the Republic's stratagems at-large. And thus they voted that P. Lentulus, when he resigns from the Praetorship, be into custody handed over. And likewise thus C. Cethegus, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius, who all were present, be into custody handed over. And likewise hath it been decreed that L. Cassius, who had for himself demanded the captaincy of burning the city, and against M. Ceparius, to whom the care of rousing the shepherds in Apulia had been assigned, were indicted; and against P. Furius, who of the colonists whom L. Sulla had led to Faesulae, and against Q. Annius Chilo, who together with this Furius was always engaged in dealing with the Allobroges, and against P. Umbrenus, a freedman, by whom it was proved that the Galli had first been introduced to Gabinius.
And this leniency the Senate employed, O Quirites, that from such a conspiracy, and such a number of domestic enemies, might by the punishment of nine of the most lost men the Republic be saved and the minds of the rest of the citizens be at rest. And even a thanksgiving for the deathless gods on behalf of their singular kindness hath been in my name decreed, a thing which for the first time in the city's existence hath been awarded to a toga-ed civilian. And decreed were these words, "because the city I had from fire freed, the citizens from slaughter, Italy from war."
Now since, O Quirites, the abominable captains of this most wicked and deadly war have been captured and arrested and ye hold them now, then ye ought to reckon that all the forces of Catilina, all of his hopes and resources hath fallen to pieces since these dangers in the city have been warded off. Indeed, when Catilina I was driving from the city, I foresaw in my mind, O Quirites, that, with Catilina gone, the drowsiness of P. Lentulus, nor the fat of L. Cassius, nor the mad recklessness of C. Cethegus ought I to fear. He -- Catilina -- was the one to be feared of all those bastards, but for so only as long as he stayed within the walls of the city. He knew everything, he kept access to everyone, he was able to address, tempt, and tamper everyone -- he dared all. He had a plan suited for every crime, and neither was his hand nor tongue failing in each endeavor. In order to accomplish certain affairs, he already had certain men picked and written down. But not when he ordered something to be done did he think it carried out, for there was not a thing which he did not oversee himself, which he did not attend to, for which he did not stay wakeful, for which he did not toil. Cold, thirst, starvation -- all of these he could endure.
If this man, so harsh, so insolent, so prepared, so clever, so wakeful in wickedness, so attentive to his destructive pursuits had I not driven out from his secret plots laid up at home to his open banditry in a military camp -- for I shall say that which I feel, O Quirites -- not easily would I have cast off such a heap of evil as this from your necks. Then the man would not have decided the Saturnalia for our slaughter, nor would he have menaced the date of the ruination and fate of the Republic so long beforehand, nor would he have allowed that his seal and letters, plain witnesses of his wickedness, to be seized. For now all of these things have been thus carried out even in his absence, so that no theft in a private home hath ever been so openly discovered as this so great of a conspiracy in the Republic, plainly found and seized. But if Catilina had in the city remained to this day, then, as long as he did, all of his designs I met and opposed; however, as I shall so very lightly touch upon, should we have had to fight with him, then not would we ever, although lo! was the enemy of the state residing close by in city, have freed the Republic from such dangers with such peace, such calm, such quiet.
Although all of these things, O Quirites, have been thus managed by me, it is as if by the assent and design of the deathless gods that they both appear be accomplished and foreseen. And with the following conjecture we are able to ascertain this notion of divine assistance: that scarcely doth the guidance of such affairs seem to be able to be of human design. But then, being so nearby in our times of need did they bear might and aid to us that we are nearly able to see them with our own eyes. For I shall not mention the omens, torches seen in the night sky in the West, the heat of the heavens; and yea the lightning bolts and earthquakes, I shall forget them, and I shall not mention the rest of the portents which occurred - so many! -- in my Consulship that these which are happening now the deathless gods seem to be singing! But yet, what I am about to say is certainly neither to be omitted nor forgotten.
For I suppose ye remember when Cotta and Torquatus were Consuls and several objects were struck by lightning from heaven, when the likenesses of the gods were downward cast, the statues of the old heroes were downward thrown, and the bronze tablets of the laws were melted and even touched was touched the statue of him who founded the City, O Romulus! all gilded, standing on the Capitolium, small and suckling, clinging to the wolven teats -- yes, ye recall it. Indeed, at this time when the liver-readers had from Etruria gathered, and spake they that slaughters and also fires, the destruction of the laws, war both civil and domestic, the failing of the whole City and the empire was approaching, unless the deathless gods were appeased by every reason to bend nearly the fates themselves under their mighty sway.
And so, in accordance with their replies, then were games for ten days held, and no affair which pertained to appeasing the gods was excepted. And likewise, they bid to make a greater likeness of Jove and place it in a lofty spot -- contrary to what had been done before -- and towards the East orient it. They spake that they hope that if that statue which ye see should gaze upon the rising sun and the Forum with the Senate-House, then it would come to pass that those plots which secretly had been hatched against the well-being of the City and empire would be lighted upon, that all might be able to be seen and understood by the Senate and the Roman People. And then those Consuls decided that the statue was to be set up -- but there was such a slowdown of the work that neither by the Consuls before me, nor by us before this present day hath it been set up.
Who here is able to be, O Quirites, so obstinate towards the truth, so headstrong, so out of his mind that he would deny all of these things which we see, and that this city is especially guided by the assent and power of the deathless gods? For truly, when this answer had been thus given, that slaughters, fires, the failing of he Republic was being readied and that these things were not only planned by citizens, though such things seemed unbelievable to some people given the great enormity of the wickedness, but that these things not only were thought up by accursed citizens, but even had been undertaken by them! But is it not so at this very time that by the assent of Jove the Best and Greatest that it seemeth to have happened, that when on the morning of the very day the conspirators and their informers were by my command led to the Temple of Concord, at the same time the statue was being set up? And when this statue was set up and towards ye and the Senate turned, both ye and the Senate did see everything which had been plotted against the well-being of all, lighted upon and laid bare.
And yet these bastards, worthy of greater hatred and punishment, are such who not only upon the walls and roofs of your own homes, but even upon the temples of the gods and their shrines did they attempt to inflict death and abomination. If it were I who said that I opposed them, then too much do I take upon myself and I ought not to be endured -- for it was he, he, Jove the Father who opposed them. Wisheth he that the Capitoline be saved, wisheth he that these temples be saved, wisheth he that the rest of the City be saved, wisheth he that all of ye be saved! With the deathless gods as my guides, I have this intention and will, O Quirites undertaken and to the following proofs I have arrived: for that tampering of the Allobroges would never have taken place, a matter of such importance would not have been so madly entrusted by Lentulus and the rest of our domestic enemies of the state to strangers and foreigners -- and with letters written too! -- unless by the very deathless gods was all the cunning in such a daring plot snatched away from him? But what? That men from Gaul came from their state, a state ill at peace with us, a race which altogether makes war on the Roman People, is able to do so, and do not seem to be unwilling to do so, that these men should neglect a hope of an empire and greatest wealth for themselves beyond what was given to them by our Patricians, that they should put your own well-being before their own gains -- do ye not think this to be done by the gods' hands, especially since the Galli would have been able to o'ercome us not by combat, but by remaining silent.
Wherefore, O Quirites, since at all altars a thanksgiving hath been decreed, celebrate those days with your spouses and your children. For often hath many honors been bestowed on the deathless gods been just and owed, but assuredly never more just. For snatched are ye from the most cruel and wretched destruction, snatched without slaughter, without bloodshed, without an army, without a fight. Ye toga-ed civilians have won the day with me, your singular toga-clad leader and general!
Yea, O Quirites, recall all the civil dissensions, not only those of which ye have heard, but those which ye yourselves remember and saw: L. Sulla did crush P. Sulpicius, and from the city he cast C. Marius, the guardian of this City, and many brave men he partly cast from the state, while the other part he murdered. Cn. Octavius, Consul, did drive out with arms from the City his colleague. Every place here was washed o'er with heaps of corpses and the blood of the citizens. Afterwards did Cinna do the killing when Marius returned -- ah then, with the most famous men slain, were the lights of the state snuffed out. Wreaked was Sulla the cruelty of this victory when he later returned. It is not necessary it even be said how much of a weakening of the citizens, how much of a disaster to the Republic it was. Disagreed did M. Lepidus with that most famous and most brave man, Q. Catulus. Borne was not so much mourning to the Republic by his death as was others.
And yet all of those dissensions were of this sort, O Quirites, the goals of which did not pertain to wiping out the Republic, but to altering it. They did not wish that there be no Republic, but in the government that it would become they would be as princes -- nor did they desire to set this City aflame, but that they themselves would flourish in this City. And yet all of those dissensions, of which no one sought the ruination of the Republic, they were of the kind that not by a harmonious reconciliation, but by the murder of citizens was decided. Yet, in this singular war -- which afterwards shall be recalled in the memories of men as a very great and cruel one, the sort of war hath never a foreign tribe waged amongst themselves; for in this war the following law was by Lentulus, by Catilina, by Cethegus, by Cassius decided: that all who were able to remain safe while the City remained safe, should be in the number of the enemy reckoned -- I have thus handled affairs, O Quirites, so that all of ye who have been saved might remain so, and, whereas your enemy had thought on only so much of the citizenry to survive as could stand against the unending slaughter, and only as much of the City as the fire had not been able to devour, both the City and the citizens, whole and unharmed, have I guarded!
On behalf of such things, these mine exploits, O Quirites, no reward of valor from ye, no mark of honor, no monument of praise do I demand apart from the memory of this day be unending. Nay, but in your hearts I wish all my triumphs, my decorations of honor, my monuments of glory, my marks of praise be stored up and set therein. No silent statue of myself can delight me, no silent award, no, nothing of the kind which even less worthy men can achieve. Let in your memory, O Quirites, our victory be nourished, let it grow by discourse, let them age and grow stronger as monuments of letters. And this day, which I hope would be unending, I understand to hath been born both for the well-being of the City and for the memory of my Consulship, and that at one time in this Republic, there existed two citizens, one of whom put limits not of land on the boundaries of your empire, but bounded only by the spheres of heaven, and the other kept the home and seat of the same empire safe.
But since all of these affairs which I have managed are not the same as the fortune and method of those who who have waged foreign wars -- given that I must live with those whom I have vanquished and subjugated, while those men have either left behind their enemies slain or crushed -- it is your duty, O Quirites, if the deeds of those men are rightly a boon for the rest, to take care that my deeds not harm me. For I have taken care that the wicked and godless minds of the most insolent men are not able to harm ye, so it is your duty to take care that they not harm me. And yet, O Quirites, no harm upon my very person can be inflicted by any one of them. For there is a great defense among the good, that hath been readied by me forever; a great dignity in the Republic, which, though ever quiet, shall defend me; a great force of conscience, which they deny -- when they wish to come at me, it is themselves they shall condemn.
For there exists this mindset in me, O Quirites, that not only I ought to yield to no one' insolence, but even ought I to ever attack all wicked men. But if each attack of our domestic foes, though repelled, would turn themselves from ye towards me alone, then ye will have to see, O Quirites, by what means hereafter ye wish for such men to exist as these men who have on behalf of your well-being met with ill-will and every danger. But as for me myself, what is there which can now for the enjoyment of my life be achieved, especially since neither in your esteem nor in the glory of valor do I see any loftier height to which I might be able to climb?
Most assuredly shall I, O Quirites, accomplish such that I have managed in my Consulship, which as a private citizen I shall maintain and record, so that if there is any ill-will undertaken in saving the Republic, it shall thwart the jealous and commend me to glory. At last, I shall behave myself in the Republic that ever shall I remember wha I have done and take care that they seem by valor to have been done and not by chance. Ye, O Quirites, since now it is night, once ye have paid due worship to Jove, the guardian of this City and of ye all, to your homes depart, and defend them; although the danger hath now been struck down, nevertheless as ye did last night with guards and watchmen defend them. That ye will not have to do so for much longer, and then that ye are able to live in everlasting peace I shall see to it.
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