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-THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CONFEDERACY OF BELGÆ-
[II.2] By these messages and letters was Caesar moved, and two new legions in Hither-Gallia he enrolled and, once summer began, into Hither-Gallia sendeth he his legate Q. Pedius to conduct the forces there. He himself, as soon as a supply of fodder began to be plenty, came to the army. He gives the task to the Senones and the remaining Gauls, who were neighbors to the Belgae, with the end that they may learn of what affairs are being waged among the latter, and that they inform Caesar of these affairs. These unanimously -- all of them -- reported that bands of men were being gathered, an army was into one place being led together. Then truly did he not deem it to be doubted that he set out for them. With the grain rations seen after, he strikes camp and in about 15 days arrives at the borders of the Belgae.
[II.3] When thither he had unexpectedly and swifter than anyone had thought he could had come, the Remi, who were closest of the Galli to the Belgae, to Caesar sent they the ambassadors Iccius and Andebrogius, the chiefest of their state. These were to say that their own persons and their possessions they entrusted to the faith and power of the Roman People, and that not did they feel the same as the rest of the Belgae, nor did they against the Roman People swear any oaths. They were prepared, they claimed, to give hostages and carry out commands, and receive him in their towns, and aid him in matters of grain or anything else. Further, they say that the rest of the Belgae, all of them, were in arms, and the Germani who live across the Rhenus had with these tribes joined themselves, and such was the mad fury of all of them that not even could they stop the Suessiones -- brothers and kin to them, who the same justice and the same laws employ, who have but one governing body and one higher authority amongst themselves -- from joining with them.
[II.4] When of these he asked which were the states and how many where they in arms, and what they were capable of carrying out in war, he then learned the following: most of the Belgae had originated from the Germani, and having come down from the Rhenus in ancient times on account of the land's fertility, there they settled in, and the Galli who were living in those neighborhoods they drove off. And these alone were they who, in the memory of our fathers when all Gallia was in an uproar, had held off the Teutones and the Cimbri from entering into their borders. Because of this feat it happened that because of the memory of these events the Belgae became a great authority, and great spirits could they employ in matters of war. Concerning their number, the Remi said that they considered everything properly reconnoitered due especially to them being joined to the other as kith and kin that they learned what was the number in the common assembly of the Belgae who were promised for this campaign. Chief among them were the Bellovaci, who were mighty in valor, prestige, and number of men. These, they said, were able to field an armed force of one-hundred thousand, and they promised from that number 60 thousand chosen, and demanded that they have the command of the entire campaign for themselves. The Suessiones were their neighbors, and wide boundaries and very fertile farmlands they owned. Among their number was a king of even our memory, that is, Diviciacus, the most powerful man of the whole of Gallia, who once before held sway o'er a great deal of these lands, and even into Britannia; spake the Remi that now Galba is the king, and to him on account of his justice and foresight was the handling of the entire campaign bestowed at the agreement of everyone. Of towns they held 12 in number, and promised 50 thousand armed men, as did likewise the Nervii, who are considered amongst these peoples to be extremely wild and the furthest away. 15 thousand the Atrebates promised, the Ambiani 10 thousand, the Morini 25 thousand, the Menapii 7 thousand, the Caleti 10 thousand, the Veliocasses and the Viromandui the same, and the Atuatuaci 19 thousand. The Condrusi, the Eburones, the Caerosi, the Paemani, who under the name of the Germani are called, promised -- the Remi reckoned -- 40 thousand armed men.
[II.5] Caesar, having encouraged the Remi and generously bestowed a speech upon them, bid all their senate gather and the chieftains' children be brought as hostages to him. All these things were done by them diligently by the appointed day. He himself greatly encouraged Diviciacus the Aeduan and showed him how much of a need for the interest of the Republic and for the common well-being that the differing bands of the enemy be kept apart, lest such a number be at the same time faced in combat. This could be brought about if the Aedui will have led their forces into the boundaries of the Bellovaci and lay waste to their farmlands. These orders given, Diviciacus from himself sendeth Caesar away. As soon as he saw that all the forces of the Belgae gathered into one place were coming to him, and he learned that they were now not far off from those scouts whom he had sent and not fa from the Remi; further, to the Axona River, which is in the furthest boundaries of the Remi, did Caesar hasten to lead his army, and there he pitched camp. This maneuver carried out, one flank of his camp he was guarding by means of the banks of the river, and he kept the rear safe from enemy, and caused that his supply lines from the Remi and the other states were able to be kept open to him without risk. On the aforesaid river was a bridge. There he sets a garrison and on the other bank of the river he doth Q. Titurius Sabinus as lieutenant leave. The camp with a rampart 12 feet in height and a ditch eighteen feet in breadth he bids be fortified.
[II.6] From this camp was a town of the Remi known by name as Bibrax some 8 miles away. It the Belgae from their march began to attack with great vigor. Ill was the assault on that day withstood. The method of the Galli's assault is also the same as the Belgae, and it is this: a great number of men are cast about the entirety of the walls and algates are rocks begun to be cast against the wall, and the wall is made barren of its defenders; then, with a tortoise made, the move up to the gates and destroy the wall at its base. At this occasion, such a feat went easily. For when such a great number of them were hurling rocks and darts, none had the ability to keep their position on the wall. When night brought about an end to the attack, Iccius the Reman, a man of the most high lineage and grace amongst those who were still at that time in charge of the town, was one of the legates who had come to Caesar concerning peace, sends to Caesar a message, that unless succor be unto them afforded, they themselves would not be able to withstand any longer.
[II.7] Thither that night Caesar did the same leaders use a guides, these who were the messengers sent by Iccius, and Numidian and Cretan bowmen and Balearic slingers sendeth he as succor to the townsfolk. At the arrival of these did a zeal for a forward assault come upon the Remi with the hope of mounting a defense, and from the enemy for the same reason did their hope of seizing the town fall away. And so, for a time they before the town tarried and the fields of the Remi they laid waste, and with all villages and buildings where they had been able to wander they burned. To the camp of Caesar they with their forces hastened and less than two miles pitched their camp. Their camp, as was marked by the smoke and campfires, stretched further than 8 miles in breadth.
[II.8] Caesar, at first both on account of the number of the enemy and then on account of the outstanding esteem of their valor, decided to decline from battle. Nevertheless, daily in cavalry battles was he making a go at what the enemy host was capable of using their valor and what our own men might dare. When deemed he that our men were not lesser than these, and since the place in front of the camp was naturally appropriate and suitable to draw up a battle line -- for that hill where the camp had been pitched rose up a little ways above the plain and stretched as far in breadth as much space a drawn up battle line was able to fill, and further, on either side of its flanks it possessed slopes, and in front it gently drooped and fell back onto the plain -- he from either flank of this hill had a trench dug around 400 paces in length at right angles to his battle line. At the ends of the trench he built fortifications and in those places he set up his engines, so that, when he will have drawn up his battle line, the enemy, as they had such a great number, would not be able to come from the flanks and surround his men while they were fighting. This done, the two legions which he had most recently enrolled he kept in camp, so that, if there were some need, they would be able to act as succor, and the remaining 6 legions he in battle array in front of the camp drew up. The enemy likewise their own forces drew up once they were led out of camp.
[II.9] There was a not-so-large marsh between our army and the enemy's. Here were waiting the enemy should our men attempt a cross; also, if the start of a crossing were effected by the enemy, our men were ready in arms to attack them while hindered in their attempt. Meanwhile in a cavalry action between two battle lines was it being fought out. When neither army makes a go at crossing, due to an engagement of cavalry which proved rather successful for our troops, did Caesar then lead his own men back into camp. The enemy forthwith from that place then to the Axona river hastened, for it had been pointed out to them to be at the rear of our camp. By means of the shoals found there did they try to lead a part of their forces across, and, by the following design they might, if successful, overtake the fort which Q. Titurius commanded as lieutenant, and then cut off the bridge; but if unable to do that, they were to destroy the farmlands of the Remi which had been a great use to us in order to wage war, and also keep us from our supply line.
[II.10] Caesar, informed of this by Titurius, then all of his horse and light armed Numidians, and slingers and bowmen led he across the bridge and hastened to the camp. Fiercely was it fought in that place. While the enemy were off balance, our men attacked them in the river and, falling upon them, slew a great number. Those left who attempted to most boldly cross through the bodies of the slain our men likewise beat back by the great number of their javelins, and the first of them who had crossed our men slew once surrounded by our cavalry. The enemy, when they understood that in the hope of both besieging the city and crossing the river they had deceived themselves, and not did they see that our men were moving into a worse-off place for the sake of fighting, and their grain began to fail them, they decided, after calling a council, that it would be best for each to unto his own home return, and then gather algates in order to defend those into whose boundaries the Romans had already led their army, so that in their own instead of in another's territory they could fight it out and make use of their own supplies of grain. To this opinion the following reason did also influence them along with the others, in that they learned that Diviciacus and his Ædui were nearing the boundaries of the Bellovaci. Then it was not possible for them to be persuaded to tarry any longer and not bear aid to their own.
[II.11] The matter settled, then, at the second watch with a great cry and uproar, they left the camp in no fixed array nor order, and, as each man sought for himself that his own place of traveling to be foremost and that he hasten to at his home arrive, they made it seem as though their departure were like unto a rout. With the situation at once made through scouts, Caesar feared a trap, for concerning what reason they might depart he had not yet discerned, and so he held back his army and horse from their camp. At first light, after the situation was reconnoitered by the scouts, all the horse who were tarrying at the rear, sendeth he ahead. O'er these forces did he Q. Pedius and L. Aurunculeius Cotta did Caesar make prefects. T. Labienus, his other prefect, he bid with his three legions follow behind. Our men, having attacked their rear and followed them for many miles, butchered a great number of those in flight, while those from the rear, when it had come to them, stood their ground and bravely withstood the attack of our soldiers. As for those in the van, on the grounds that they seemed to be far off from danger and by neither any obligation nor command could they be restrained, with a great cry given and their ranks immediately dispersed, all of them put his own safeguard in flight. Thus, without any danger did our men as such a great number of them slay as there was enough time in the day. As the sun fell, they ceased from pursuing and betook themselves into camp as it had been commanded.
[II.12] On the following day, Caesar, before the enemy could from their fear and flight recover, led into the boundaries of the Suessiones, who were closest to the Remi, his army, and, with a forced march completed, he hastened to the town of Noviodunum. This town he tried to attack outright from the march, given that he heard it was empty of but a few defenders, but on account of the width of the ditch and the height of the wall, he could not take it by storm even with their few defenders. The camp pitched, he began to draw up the vineae and to prepare the things which are used to make such an attack. In the meantime the entire body of the Suessiones from their flight gathered into the town on the next night. Swiftly were the vineae drawn up to the town, an earthen mound was thrown down, and towers were raised -- the Galli, alarmed by the great size of the works, which neither before had they seen nor heard, and by the swiftness of the Romans, send envoys to Caesar concerning their surrender, and they obtain permission that the Remi asking to be spared are spared.
[II.13] Caesar, with hostages of the leading men of the state and the two sons of King Galba himself taken, and with all their arms surrendered from the town, accepted the Suessiones in their surrender and his army he led against the Bellovaci. When these had gathered their people and possessions into the town of Bratuspantium and Caesar was some 5 miles away from this town with his army, all the elders left from the town and began to both stretch their hands to Caesar and to cry out in voice that they into his trust and power would enter and not did they against the Roman People strive in arms. Likewise, when he had approached the town and pitched camp there, the boys and women on the wall with outstretched hands -- as is their custom -- begged for peace from the Romans.
[II.14] On behalf of these doth Diviciacus -- for after the departure of the Belgae and the forces of the Ædui had been dismissed, he had to Caesar returned -- make the following speech:
That the Bellovaci had at every occasion been in the trust and friendship of the state of the Ædui; that driven by their chieftains, who claimed that the Ædui had been into slavery driven by Caesar and that they endured every indignation and insult, and so had the Bellovaci revolted from the Ædui and upon the Roman People declared war. Those who had been the architects of this plan, because they understood how great of a calamity they had inflicted upon their state, had into Britannia fled. Not only do the Bellovaci, but also the Ædui on their behalf beseech him that he may of his mercy and kindness make use in regards to them. But if he shall do this, he will the authority of the Ædui amongst all the Belgae increase, by whose reinforcements and resources they had been accustomed to continually bolster them if any wars should happen.
[II.15] Caesar, for the sake of the honor of Diviciacus and the Ædui, saieth that he would receive them into his trust and keep them, and given that great was their state amongst the Belgae in both authority and the great number of their people, demandeth he 600 hostages. With these handed over and all their arms from the town collected, he departed from that place and arrived into the territory of he Ambiani, who themselves and all their possessions without delay surrendered. The borders of the Nervii touched upon theirs, a people when of whose nature and customs Caesar asked, he learned the following: there was no admittance to them even by the merchants; no wine they suffered, nor in any other things which pertained to luxury did they trade, for they deemed that by such things they let their spirit grow dull and their valor be lost; they were a fierce people and possessed great valor; they harangued and blamed the rest of the Belgae who had themselves surrendered to the Roman People and had cast aside their homeland and valor; they declare that neither envoys would they send nor any term of peace would they accept.
[II.16] When they had made a three days' march through their territory, he did learn the following from prisoners: that the Sabis River was not more than 10 miles from his camp, and across this river had all the Nervii assembled, and there they were awaiting the arrival of the Romans together with the Atrebates and the Viromandui, their neighbors -- for both of these they had persuaded to try the same fortune of war. Also expected by these peoples were the forces of the Atuatuci, and they were on the march. Their woman and those who because of their age were seen to be of ill-use they had collected into that place where on account of the swamps an entrance could not be afforded to the army.
[II.17] These facts learned, scouts and centurions sendeth he forth to pick a place suitable for a camp. While several from the surrendered Belgae and the remaining Galli who followed Caesar were marching together, certain ones of these, as it was known afterwards from the prisoners, during those days observed the accustomed method of our army on the march, and at night to the Nervii they went and showed to them how between the legions, one-by-one, a great number of baggage passed, and that it would be no trouble to, when the first legion had come into the camp and the remaining legions were a great distance off, attack the men burdened under the packs; once this legion was routed and their baggage stolen, it would result in the rest of their troops not daring to to stand against them. Further it was a boon to the plan of those who reported this information that the Nervii from ancient times were not mighty in cavalry, and not were they enthusiastic for such a thing at this time, but they did what they could, they did with troops on foot. So that the Nervii might more easily hinder their neighbors' horse if the latter had for the sake of plundering come to the former, young trees were cut and bent downward from the top, and their branches along the sides would grow thick, and with brambles and thorns thrown in between the branches, they have effected that in the likeness of a defensive wall these hedges offer strength, by which design it would not only be unable to be entered, but not even to be seen through. When by these hedges the march of our van was hindered, the Nervii deemed that they must not lay aside this plan.
[II.18] This was the terrain of the place, where our men had selected for a camp. A hill declining evenly from its top towards the Sabis River, which we have spoken of above, sloped. From this river with an equal incline was another hill rising on the other side and opposite the other, for nearly 200 paces at its lowest part was wide open, while on its upper parts was wooded so that inwards it was not able to be seen. Within these forests were the enemy keeping themselves in hiding; in the open place alongside the river a few cavalry outposts were seen. The river's depth was nearly three feet.
[II.19] Caesar was following up with all of his troops on the cavalry which had been sent ahead, but the rank and file of the van composed itself differently than what the Belgae had to the Nervii reported. For as he was on approach to the enemy, Caesar in his accustomed fashions was leading 6 unencumbered legions, and behind these the entire army's baggage he had placed; thence, the two legions which had been enrolled last were closing the whole rear and acted as a guard for the baggage. Our Knights with the slingers and bowmen had already crossed the river and had with the enemy cavalry joined battle. While these forces again and again recovered to their main body in the forests and again from the trees made an attack upon our men, and not did our men further than the wooded edge touching the extended and open places dared to follow them as they withdrew, the 6 legions which had arrived first began in the meantime to, with the work measured out, fortify a camp. When the first baggage of our army was by those tucked away and hiding in the woods espied, as the time agreed betwixt them upon for joining battle had come, for they had within the woods drawn up a battle array and columns, and they had encouraged each other, when suddenly they flew at all our forces and made an attack upon our Knights. These easily routed and thrown into disarray, with unbelievable speed the Nervii charged to the river with the result that nearly at the same time in both the woods, and at the river, and even at the hands of our men did the enemy seem to be. Moreover, with the same speed up the side of the hill to our camp and those who had been engaged in pitching the camp.
[II.20] Caesar had everything to do at the same time: the camp flag had to be raised, which was the sign when it was necessary to rush to arms; assembly had to be given by trumpet call; from their work the soldiers had to be called; those who had a little further off sought materials for a rampart had to be summoned back; the battle line had to be drawn up; the soldiers had to encouraged; the sound to attack had to be given -- a great many of these tasks did the shortness of time and the charge of the enemy hinder. To these difficulties were there two advantages: the knowledge and experience of our soldiers, who, having been trained by former battles as to what ought to be done, were able to no less conveniently order each himself to act rather than to be ordered by others; and also because each of the legates did Caesar forbid from leaving their own legions at the work unless the camp was fortified. These, on account of the nearness and speed of the enemy, in no way were awaiting Caesar's command, but by themselves took up the task of doing whatever was seemly.
[II.21] Caesar, the needful things commanded, rushed down in order to encourage his men and ended up in whichever place Fate deemed, and he came to the Tenth Legion. He, having encouraged the soldiers by no longer speech than how "ought they to hold on to the memory of their earlier valor, and not ought they to be shaken in spirit, and now bravely ought they to withstand the attack of the enemy," for the not further off were the enemy than where a spear might be able to be cast, gave the signal for joining battle. And into another place for likewise encouraging the men he set out, only to find them fighting. Such was the shortness of time and so readied was the spirit of the enemy for fighting that not only were the insignia not able to be affixed, but also time failed that their helmets be donned and the coverings to be drawn off their shields. Each one from the work fell to which part by chance and to which standards he first espied, and so stood his ground next to these, lest in seeking his own any time for fighting he would lose.
[II.22] With the army drawn up more by the nature of the terrain and being at a decline, and by the necessity of the time than rank and file military stratagem demanded, while the legions in various places withstood the enemy in one part, some in another, and by very thick hedges, as we have stated before, which were thrown about that the view inward was hindered, nor could proper assistance be placed nor could each measure be taken in each part, nor could all the commands be given by one person. And so, in such unequal state of affairs were the various outcomes of each fortune following.
[II.23] When the soldiers of the 9th and 10th Legions in the left part of the battle line had made their stand and their javelins were cast, they then turned back the Atrebates -- for to these enemies had this part of our army come and who were now because of their running sapped of their strength and by wounds were then finished off, and drove them into the river, and, in following them as they attempted to cross, our men a great part of them slew when they become encumbered. Our men themselves did not hesitate to cross the river and, having come to uneven ground, they again stood against the enemy and threw them into a rout when the foes attempted to renew battle. Likewise in another part were two different legions, the 11th and the 8th, after overcoming the Viromandui with whom they had been engaged, were from higher ground to the very banks of the river battling them. But because nearly the whole of the front and left side of the camp was left bare, and since on the right wing the 12th Legion and, not a far bowshot away, had the 7th Legion made their stands, did all the Nervii in a very tightly packed body under their leader Boduognatus, who held the chief power of their command, to that unguarded place. Part of these troops from the exposed flank began to surround the legions, while another part made for the highest point of the camp.
[II.24] At the same time our knights, along with the light-armed infantry which had been with them, as I had already said, were routed in the first attack of the enemy, and while they retreated to the camp, they met the enemy rushing at them, and again in another direction sought flight. And the sutlers, who had from the camp's Decumanian Gate and the crest of the hill seen our men in triumph crossing the river, departed for the sake of plundering, but when they had looked back and seen the enemy coming into our camp, they pell-mell put themselves to flight. At the same time as the shout and roar of those who were coming with the baggage arose, some, having become very scared, were carried away into one part, some into another. Alarmed by all of these things were the knights of the Treveri, the esteem of whose valor was amongst the Galli considered peerless and who, having for the sake of offering aid been sent from their state, had to Caesar come, and when they had seen that our camp was filling up with a crowd of the enemy, that our legions were being hard pressed and nearly surrounded and halted, and that the sutlers, Knights, slingers, and Numidians, who had been pulled apart and scattered, were fleeing into every direction, they hurried home after despairing of our situation, and they to their state announced that the Romans had been routed and overcome, and that the enemy had gained possession of their camp and baggage.
[II.25] Caesar, having from his encouragement for the 10th Legion departed for the right wing, where he saw that our soldiers of the 12th legion were being pressed together tightly because the standards had been gathered into one place, and so were themselves becoming a hindrance to each other in the fight. And he saw all the Fourth Cohort's centurions had been cut down, and their standard-bearer slain, their standard lost, with nearly all of the remaining cohorts' centurions either wounded or cut down, and among these was First Rank Centurion P. Sextius Baculus -- a most brave man, worn out by many and serious wounds, such that he was already not able to hold himself up -- and the rest of the men were quite sluggish, and several from the rear had left their posts and were withdrawing from the battle and avoiding enemy spears. And he saw not that the foe in front, though coming up from lower ground, stop at all, and on either flank they stood firm, and the situation was in straits, for not was there any aid which could be brought up; so, with a shield taken from one of the soldiers in the rear -- for Caesar had thither come without a shield -- he made his way to the first battle line, and, with each centurion called out by name, he encouraged the rest of the soldiers, and bid he to advance the standards and the maniples to extend, so that easier might they use their swords. At Caesar's arrival was hope renewed in the soldiers and their spirits remade, for on his own part did each man in the sight of their general, even up to their dying breaths, desire to show his devotion, so a little bit was the attack of the enemy halted.
[II.26] When Caesar had seen the 7th Legion, which had stood their ground nearby, likewise pressed together by the enemy, he alerted the Tribunes of Soldiers so that they might join together the legions and bear their standards against the enemy. After this thing had been done and when some were able to bear aid to others, and not did they fear that if turned aside might they be surrounded by the enemy, they so began to more boldly stand their ground and more bravely fight. Meanwhile, the soldiers of the two legions which had been the guard for the rear of the baggage, had, when the battle was reported, started their run and were seen by the enemy at the height of the hill. And T. Labienus, having gained possession of the camp of the enemy and from that higher ground there did espy what was happening in our camp, the 10th Legion as an aid to our men sendeth he. When the 10th had from the flight of the Knights and sutlers learned of how the battle fared and in how much danger both the camp, and the legions, and their general were engaged, they left nothing undone in their haste.
[II.27] At the arrival of these forces, such a reversal of affairs occurred that our men, who even though had been worn out by wounds and fallen down, propped themselves against their shields and the battle they rejoined; and the sutlers, having espied the enemy wrought with fear, did, though unarmed, rush at them who were in arms bedecked; and the Knights, so that they might wipe the shame of their away with valor, were at every place of combat ready to offer aid to our legionary soldiers. But the enemy, even to the last hope of safety, showed off their valor such that, when the first lines of them had fallen, the next lines stood upon their inert bodies and from the corpses of these comrades they kept fighting. When these had fallen down and collected were the corpses into heaps, those who survived stood on top and, as if from the height of an earthen mound, hurled their weapons at our men and any caught javelins they threw back. Thus, not without cause ought these people to be judged to have dared to cross a very wide river, to scale very tall riverbanks, to rush upward from lower ground -- these things, though of the most difficulty, had the greatness of their courage made easy.
[II.28] With the battle completed and nearly driven to utter destruction were both the race and name of the Nervii, their elders, whom as I have said were together with the youths and the women gathered in the estuaries and swamp, when once this fight was reported and when they deemed there was nothing hindering the vanquishers and there was no safety for the vanquished, they sent ambassadors upon the agreement of all who had survived to Caesar and thus to him surrendered. And in relating the calamity of their state, they claimed that from 500 senators to three had they been reduced, from 60,000 men who could bear arms to hardly 500. These did Caesar, so that upon their wretched and pitiable selves he might appear to have employed mercy, most carefully protect and he bid them to make use of their territory and towns, and he commanded their neighbors keep from engaging them in wrongdoing and malice.
[II.29] The Atuatuci, of whom we have spoken above, since with all of their forces they as an aid for the Nervii came, when once this fight was reported, they returned home from their march. With all their towns and forts abandoned, all of their belongings they gathered into a single town exceedingly well fortified because of its terrain. Since it has on all sides of its perimeter very tall cliffs and falls, there was only left a single side with an approach gently inclined in breadth not more than 200 feet. They further this place fortified with a very high two-fold wall. Then rocks of great weight and exceedingly sharpened beams they did place on the wall. For these people were descended from the Cimbri and Teutones, who while marching into our Province and Italy, their baggage, which they had not been able to drag along with them and carry beyond the hither side of Rhine River, they set down and left behind a guard and garrison of 6,000 men with it. These were left behind, and, after the destruction of the main force, were for many years harassed by their neighbors while making war upon some, or defending against war brought by others. When peace was made by the consent of all of them, this place for their home they had chosen.
[II.30] And at the outset of the arrival of our army, frequent were the sallies from the town they made and in the most minor skirmishes they fought with our men. Afterwards, when by a rampart of 12 feet tall and 15 miles in circumference and by frequent fortifications they were surrounded, they kept themselves in the town. When the vineae were drawn up and a mound raised, at a distance they saw a tower built, and at first mockingly laughed and from the wall shouted in a loud voices that such an engine was being constructed at such a great distance. For with what hands, saieth they, or with what strength did men of such a small stature -- for often to all the Galli, whose bodies are of great size, was our short size a source of contempt -- place their trust in being able to move a tower of such weight up to the wall?
[II.31] But when they saw it was being moved and was approaching the walls, they, alarmed by this new and unaccustomed sight, did ambassadors to Caesar send concerning peace and in the following way spoke:
They did not reckon that the Romans waged war without divine assistance, if they were a people who were able to move forward with such speed engines of such a height. Further, they said, that they allowed themselves and their belongings to be under the power of the Romans. There was one thing for which they asked and begged, that if by chance in the name of his mercy and gentleness, which they themselves from others were hearing, he should decide that the Atuatuci are to be spared, that he not deprive them of their arms. For nearly all their neighbors were their enemies, saieth they, and envied them their valor -- from them they would be unable to defend themselves should their arms be surrendered. Finally, they say that it would be better for them, if they should be reduced to this disaster, to endure whatever fate from the Roman People rather than to be slain through torture by those o'er whom they had been accustomed to lord.
[II.32] To these concerns Caesar made answer:
That more due to his own accustomed behavior rather than to anything they deserved would he spare their state, if before his ram's head touched the wall they surrendered themselves -- but that there was no term of surrender unless their arms were handed over. Saieth he that he would do that which he had done to the Nervii and their neighbors he would command their to not inflict wrongdoing upon those who had surrendered to the Roman People.
This command announced to them, they then declare that they are doing the things which they were commanded to do. With a great number of arms thrown down from the wall into the ditch which lay before the town, it resulted that nearly to the top of the wall and the mound did the height of the heap of arms reach, and yet around a third part of the whole, as it was afterwards discovered, were hidden and even kept inside the town. And so, with the gates opened wide, on that day they enjoyed peace.
[II.33] As evening got on, Caesar bid the gates be shut and the soldiers leave from the town, lest any wrongdoing would during the night the townsfolk receive from the soldiers. But they, as it became understood, implemented a design: for they believed that, because of the surrender, our men would lead out their guard or, at the least, their watch would be less careful; so, partly with those arms which they had kept and had hidden, and partly with shields made from bark and switches interwoven -- for the shortness of time demanded it -- all of which they from under pelts withdrew, all of a sudden at the third watch, from the place where least difficult could be seen the approach to our fortifications, they unexpectedly made a breakout from the town with all their forces. Speedily, as Caesar had commanded it beforehand with a signal given by fires, was pursuit offered from forces of the nearest fortification. And so fiercely was it fought by the enemy, brave men in the last hopes of their well-being who from lower ground were charging men throwing javelins from the rampart and the towers, and so rightly was it fought this way since in their singular valor did all hope fully rest. With nearly 4 thousands of men slain, the rest were driven back into the town. On the day following that day, the gates were broken open since now no one now defended them, and, with our soldiers sent within, an entire section of the town did Caesar sell. By those who had bought them was the number of 53 thousands heads reported to him.
[II.34] At the same time, was Caesar informed by P. Crassus, whom with a single legion he had sent to the Veneti, the Venelli, the Osismi, the Coriosolitae, the Esuvii, the Aulerci, and the Redones, all who were seafaring nations and bordered upon the Ocean, that all these states had been under the sway and power of the Roman People brought.
[II.35] With these matters accomplished and all Gallia was made peaceful, such news of this war was spread amongst the barbarians with the result that from the nations which across the Rhenus dwelled were sent to Caesar embassages who all promised to offer hostages and obey commands. These embassages did Caesar, given that he was to Italia and Illyricum hastening, bid them at the start of the next summer to return to him. Caesar himself, when once amongst the Carnutes, Andes, and Turones, each states close to the places where he had waged war, had his legions been wintered, set out for Italia. On account of each of the accomplishments in Caesar's letter, a thanksgiving of 15 days was decreed, which at any time before had happened to no one.
-END OF THE CAMPAIGN AGAINST THE CONFEDERACY OF BELGÆ-
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