The 1st Philippic of Marcus Tullius Cicero, given in the Roman Senate on the 2nd of September, 44 B.C.
Argument
Cicero, having returned to Rome after quitting the capitol due to depression brought on by the recent events transpiring there, delivered this speech before the Senate on September 2nd.
In the oration, he summarizes the recent and turbulent events happening in the city and speaks of his departure and return to Rome. He condemns the inactions and complacency of the Senate in the wake of the abuses and wrongs of the Consuls. The orator lays out injustices and personal wrongs done upon him by his opponent, Marcus Antonius, while at the same time publicly affirming his sought-after friendship with this dangerous man. He paints these magistrates as opportunistic politicians seeking to use Caesar's slaying as a tool to pass any legislation they can as the Dictator's posthumously found papers and journals, his acta. While conclusively proving the hypocrisy of his opponents' actions, the latter part of the speech is a heart-jerking exhortation (well, at least it's meant to be played that way) to both Consuls to return to goodness and the rule of law: "Won't somebody think of the Roman People?"
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Before concerning the Republic, fathers and enrolled men1, I shall speak of the following, which must be spoken at this time, I think; I shall lay out to ye briefly the plan both of my departure and of my return 2. When I, yes I, hoped at last that to your counsel and authority the Republic had been recalled, I was supposing that I had to remain as if in some role of guardianship due to my Consulship 3 and the senatorial career. Neither truly ever I was departing, nor from the Republic was I casting down mine eyes, from that day, that day in which to the temple of Tellus 4 we were summoned. In which temple, as much as it was within my power, I laid the fundaments of peace and I renewed an old Athenian exemplar: even the Greek word I used for my purpose, a word by which at that time was used in allaying discords by that city, and I voted all the memory of discords by oblivion everlasting is to be effaced5.
Very famous at that time was the oration of Marcus Antonius, excellent even was his purpose; peace at last through him and his children with the most forestanding citizens was made firm 6. And in these beginnings the rest was falling into line. To those deliberations, which he had at his home concerning the Republic, chief men of the state he was inviting 7. To the senatorial order the most important affairs he was deferring. Nothing then, except that which was known to all, could be found in the documents of Gaius Caesar; with the highest agreeableness to the things which had been asked of him, he was answering:
“Were there not any exiles returned?”
“One,” he was saying, “only one.”
“Were there not any immunities granted?”
“None,” he was replying.8
Even he wished for us to agree with Servius Sulpicius, a most famous man, lest any tablet after the Ides of March be published as a decree or grant of Caesar. Many things I pass over, each of them very well known; to a singular act of Marcus Antonius hastens my speech: the office of Dictator, which already the force of regal power had become beset, root and stem he abolished from the Constitution9. Concerning this matter not even our opinions did we speak. He brought with him a written executive order10, which he wished to be drawn up; at the reading of this, his authority with the greatest zeal we followed and to him the greatest words of thanks we gave through another executive order.
A certain light seemed borne to us now not only from the kingship which we had borne, but also with the fear of kingship borne away. And a great pledge from him11 to the Republic was given, that he wished her to be a free state, since the name of Dictator, which often had been lawful12, on account of the recent memory of perpetual Dictatorships, root and stem was abolished from the Republic.
From the danger of slaughter a few days later the Senate was freed . A hook was fixed into that fugitive, who had stolen the name of Marius13. And all these things he did in communion with a colleague; some other things were Dolabella‘s14 alone, things which if his colleague had not been away, I believe that they would have worked in concert.
For when slithers in the city an endless evil, and when it remains day after day wider, and when likewise a pyre in the Forum people construct, people who had made an unsepulchred sepulchre15; and when daily more and more lost men alongside their slaves, similar to themselves16, were threatening the homes and temples of the city, so great was the counter campaign of Dolabella against the bold and wicked slaves, then against the impure and heathenish freedmen, and such was the overturning of that unholy column17, that to me it seems miraculous the intervening time has been so unlike that one day.
For lo, on the Kalends of June18, when it had decreed that we were to be present, everything changed: nothing was done through the Senate, many and great things were done through the People, though the People both absent and disapproving. The Consuls-elect were saying that they dared not come to the Senate. Their country’s liberators19 were absent from that city, from whose necks the servile yoke they had cast down; nevertheless them the Consuls themselves in meetings and in every conversation were praising. Those who were being called Veterans, of whom this rank20 most diligently had been warned, not for the preservation of their own belongings, but for the hope of new loot were being roused21. Since I preferred to hear these things rather than see them, and since I held the free reign of a Lieutenantship22, I left with a mind that I might be present at the Kalends of January23, which seemed to be the beginning of the Senate assembling.
I have set forth, fathers and enrolled men, my departure’s reasoning; now of my return, which is more admirable, briefly shall I set forth. Since Brundisium and that route, which is well-trod into Greece, not without reason had I avoided, on the Kalends of August24 I was come to Syracuse, which from that city the crossing into Greece was being praised; however, this city, most closely related to me25, while wishing for me to stay more than one night, was unable to do so. I was afraid lest my sudden arrival to my relatives might bear something of suspicion if I had delayed there. Moreover, when from Sicily to Leucopetra, which is on the promontory of Rhegian territory, the winds had borne me, from that place I went up, so that I might cross over; and having not thus far been conveyed, I was returned by a bad wind into that very place whence I had gone up26.
And while unseasonably stormy was the night and while I had remained at the villa of Publius Valerius, a companion and intimate friend, the next day, while waiting for the same wind I remained, several municipals of Rhegium came to me, and of them certain men were recently from Rome; from these I first heard of Marcus Antonius’ meeting, which pleased me greatly, that, as it was read, I first began to think on a return27. Nor thus long afterwards is the Edict of Brutus published, and also of Cassius, which indeed to me, perhaps because them more so even for the sake of the Republic than for the sake of my friendship I love, seemed full of reasonableness28. They were adding especially (for as it happens frequently, that those who wish to bear good news attach something else by which they may make their announcement more happy) that: the matter would come to an agreement; that on the Kalends of August the Senate would assemble; that Antonius, having repudiated all evil panderers and remitted the provinces of Gaul, would return to the authority of the Senate.
Then truly with such desire was I inflamed for a return that me neither oars nor winds would satisfy, not that I was thinking I would not arrive on time, but lest I should be later than I desired in congratulating the Republic. And I, quickly to Velia conveyed, saw Brutus29; with how much of my pain I do not say. Shamefully to my very self it seemed that into this city I should dare be returned, while from which city Brutus was departing, and in that place I wish to be safe where he could not. Nor truly in the same manner, as I myself was, did I see him alarmed. For he was upright by the knowledge of his own greatest and most fine deed, nothing concerning his own misfortune, though many affairs of yours was he bemoaning.30
And from here I first learned what sort of oration of Lucius Piso on the Kalends of August had taken place31. He, although was little seconded (for this very thing I had from Brutus heard), by those whom he had ought to have such assistance; nevertheless, by Brutus’ telling of events (is it possible to more gravely serious than he?), and by everyone’s account told afterwards, all of these people whom I have seen, a great glory it seemed to me he32 has obtained. Therefore, to him, so that I might second, I hastened, to him whom those present did not second, not so that I might be foremost in some way (for not was I hoping for such a thing, nor was I able to prevail), but so that, if anything to me, within reason, would have happened (for many things seem to hang overhead beyond that of even Nature or even of Fate), nevertheless this day’s voice as a witness to the Republic I might leave, a voice of my everlasting devotion to it.
Since I am confident that both decision’s reasoning, fathers and enrolled men, be approving to ye, before concerning the Republic I begin to speak, a few things I shall complain concerning yesterday’s injustice of Marcus Antonius; to him I am friendly33, and never have I ever said that I owe nothing to his duty which he has done for me. But what, pray, was the sort of reason why to the Senate yesterday was I so bitterly summoned? Was I alone absent? Or do ye not less often have fewer attendees? Or was a matter being voted upon that even the ill ought to be carried forth? Hannibal, I believe, was at the gates, or peace with Pyrrhus was being debated, for which reason even that famous Appius, blind and elderly, had been brought forth, if memory serves34.
Concerning thanksgivings was the matter being debated, in which sort of thing Senators are not accustomed to be lacking. For they are compelled not by pledges, but by the thanks of those whose honor is given, and likewise this occurs when a triumph is being debated35. In such a debate without a care the Consuls are, so that there is nearly freewill for a Senator to not be present. Since to me this order of business is well-known, and since from the road I was weary and I was displeased, I sent, on behalf of my friendship, a man who would say these things to him. But he, with ye all listening, with masons said would come to my home36. Too irascibly was this said and very ill-tempered. For what sort of wrongdoing is such that this is the punishment, that to speak to this Senatorial order he dares that he would destroy a home built publicly at public expense by the will of the Senate? Moreover who has compelled a Senator with such condemnation, or what punishment is there beyond the forfeiture of a pledge or a fine? If he had known what opinion I intended to speak, he would have relaxed a bit forthwith concerning the severity of his compulsion.
Are ye of the opinion, fathers and enrolled men, that I would have voted on the decree ye unwilling assisted, so that the Parentalia37 with thanksgivings might be commingled, that inexplicable rites into the Republic are introduced, that so granted these thanksgivings be for a dead man? Nothing I say is for him. Even as that famous Lucius Brutus38 was, he who both himself from the regal lordship freed the Republic and to the same courage and the same deed progeny now in the nearly five-hundredth year afterward he has produced; nevertheless, I would not be able to be induced to join any dead man to the observance of the deathless gods, with the result that, whoever’s sepulchre it may be, wherever the rites are performed, for him at public expense he be given thanks. Truly I, yes I, would have said this sentiment, so that I would be set against the Roman people, if any more grave misfortune would have befallen the Republic, be it war, illness, famine, easily would I have been able to defend my opinion, which things some already exist, and others I fear are hanging overhead. But this I wish the deathless gods may pardon both the Roman people, those who were not approving of this, and this senatorial order, who decreed this unwilling.
What? Concerning the remaining ills of the Republic is it permitted to speak? I truly am permitted and always will I be permitted to guard my dignity and to despise death. Let there be the power of merely coming into this place, I do not decline from the peril of speaking. And would that, fathers and enrolled men, on the Kalends of August had I been there! It would not have been to do anything, but so that not merely one man of Consular rank be present, as it happened then, a man worthy of that honor, worthy of the Republic could be found. Indeed from this affair great is the pain I have, that men who have enjoyed the greatest things of the Roman people did not Lucius Piso, leader of the best opinion, second. On that account did we the Roman people Consuls make, so that in the highest step of dignity we be placed so that we might hold the Republic as nothing? Not only in voice was there no man but Lucius Piso of Consular rank, but not even in your facial expressions were in agreement. What wickedness is this damnable willful servitude!
There will have to be certain necessities; nor do I desire this from all of these men who an opinion from the Consular bench speak. There is another case there for them, whose silence I pardon, and another case for them, whose voice I require. Those who indeed I am pained that in the suspicion of the Roman people they have come not only because of fear, which is very shameful in and of itself, but some have one reason, others another why they fail in their dignity. For which reason do I the greatest thanks have and bestow upon Piso, who, not what he might be able to do in the Republic did he think on, but instead what he himself ought to do. Then from ye, fathers and enrolled men, I ask that even if to assist less ye will dare, my rational and my authority, kindly me, as ye have up until now, listen.
Firstly the acts of Caesar to be preserved I voted, not something I approve (for who can do that?), but by having the rational above all, I think, for peace and leisure. I might wish that Antony were here, merely without his lackies (but, I imagine, he is permitted to be unwell, given that I was not allowed by him to be such yesterday); he might illustrate to me, or more likely to ye, fathers and enrolled men, to what end he himself might defend the acts of Caesar. Shall in the memoirs, and handwritings, and scrap papers which are produced, some not even produced, but at times merely spoken of, the acts of Caesar be confirmed? Shall the things is he inscribing into bronze39, in which as the people’s commands and everlasting laws he wished, now be held as nothing?
Indeed I esteem nothing there so great in the acts of Caesar than to be the laws of Caesar. What if to someone there was something which he promised? Will this be done, even if this same thing he was not able to do? As many things were promised for many, many he did not do. Nevertheless much more things have been found after his death than while alive, good deeds through all the years is it possible to be granted and given. But those I do not alter, I do not move; with the highest zeal that man’s most famous acts I defend. Would that money in the temple of Ops remained! Bloodstained it may be indeed, but in these times, since they are so, whosesoever it really is, it is not returned, but necessary.40
Then also that is to be squandered, if such were in the his acts. Is there anything whatever so strange may be able to be said to be an act of his, yes, he who toga-garbed as a civilian, in the Republic by power and military command was invested41, which is also a law? Ask for the acts of Gracchus; the Sempronian Laws will be produced42. Ask for Sulla’s; the Cornelian Laws. What? Pompey’s third consulship43 was established in which acts? Of course in his Laws. Concerning Caesar himself, if ye could ask him, what he did in the boundaries of the city and clad in a toga44, many laws, he would reply, and excellent did he pass. But his handwritings verily either he would change or not publish them, or, if he had published them, not would these things in his acts would he list. But these things themselves I yield; even to these affairs I turn a blind eye; in the greatest instances verily, that is to say, the ones in his laws, the acts of Caesar dissolved, it this a deed to be carried out? I think not.
Which law is better, more useful, best even, and one very often urgently demanded for by the Republic, than the one which bars Praetorian Provinces from being held more than a year, and Consular ones more than two45? With this law repealed, do Caesar’s acts seem to be able to be preserved? What? Because of this law, the one publicly proposed concerning the Third Decuria, are not all Judicial Proceedings of Caesar dissolved46? And ye who the acts of Caesar defend, are ye also overturning his laws? Unless by chance, if there were anything he might wish to remember he recorded into a notebook, then it shall be counted among his acts, and, although unfair and useless it may be, it shall be defended; and whatever to the People at the Comitia Centuriata47 he proposed, it among the acts of Caesar shall be not counted.
But yet, what is that damned Third Decuria?
“Of Centurions,” spake he48. What? To this rank were not Judicial Appointments through the Lex Iulia, even prior to that, the Lex Pompeia, the Aurelia, made open?49
“The range of the Census was being fixed50,” spake he. Not only to the rank of Centurions indeed alone, but likewise to the rank of Roman Knights; and thus, men, most brave and honest, who those ranks have led, are acting as Judges and have acted as Judges.
“I ask not,” spake he, “after those. Whoever this rank has led, let him act as Judge.” But if ye were to propose that whoever among the Knights has held merit, which is a post more esteemed, there would be no one any of ye would approve; for in a Judge there must be seen both fortune and worth.51
“I ask not,” spake he, “after those; likewise, I am adding as Judges common soldiers from the Legion Alaudae52. For in another way our men say not that these are able to be saved.” O what a insulting honor is this for those whom to the post of Judging they were not asked, but ye are calling them to do so! For this is the law’s synopsis: that those who in the Third Decuria may act as Judges, but freely to act as Judges they do not dare to do. In this such an error is, O deathless gods, of theirs who have this damned law thought out! For the result is that whoever will be seen as very vulgar, thus very willingly with the severity of his judgments, his own vulgarities will he wash away and toil, so that to honest Decuriae he may wish to seem worthy, rather than into a vulgar one lawfully he be cast.53
Another law was put forth, that those both of violence and high treason54 found guilty, the People they may appeal if they wish. Come now, is this a law or the unraveling of all laws? For who is there today for whose interest this damn law stands? No one is guilty in light of these laws, none, whom in the future we may think may be guilty. For by use of arms have things been done which surely never into the courts will be called.
“But the matter is popular.” Indeed, would that anything else ye wish to propose be popular! For now all citizens concerning the Republic’s well-being together in both mind and voice are in agreement. Therefore what is this damn desire for the passing of this law, which the highest shame has, and of thanks, none? For what is more shameful than he who of high treason against the Roman People has threatened with violence, and he, found guilty in court, to that very violence is returned, the violence on account of which he was lawfully found guilty?
But what more of this law do I argue? Truly it is as if this were being done so that anyone might appeal; as if this were being done, if it were being passed, lest anyone entirely henceforth because of these damn laws may be found guilty. For which prosecutor so out his mind can be found, who after a defendant is found guilty, to throw himself against a mustered mob would wish; or a judge who a guilty verdict dares to render with the result that he himself before hired thugs is immediately dragged? No, therefore, is a right of appeal by that law given, but two most welcome laws and investigations are abolished. What is this other than some urging for the youth to wish turbulent, seditious, and dangerous citizens to become? Moreover to what mischief will the rage of the Tribunes not be able to be pushed, when these two investigations concerning violence and high treason are abolished?55
What? Is this not something which is opposed passage by the laws of Caesar, which order those who, concerning violence and likewise those who of high treason have been found guilty, from water and fire be barred56? When to these this appeal is given, are not the acts of Caesar annulled? Indeed, these things I, fathers and enrolled men, never have approved; nevertheless, thus to be kept for the sake of harmony I judged them, that not only laws which while alive Caesar had passed, to be annulled at such time was not my thinking, but not even to annul those, which after the death of Caesar ye have seen brought forth and published.
From exile have been called back many by a dead man; citizenship granted to not only singular persons, but nations and provinces --whole ones!--by a dead man; by exceptions endless have taxes been carried off by a dead man.
Therefore, these things by one man, truly an excellent authority, and brought from his home we do defend; these laws, which he himself to us looking them over read them aloud, he announced them, he passed them, in these passed laws he was reveling, and in these laws the Republic he was thinking could be kept, these laws concerning the provinces, the courts, these, I say, the laws of Caesar do we, we who defend the acts of Caesar, think his laws must be abolished? And nevertheless concerning these laws, which have been put forth, at least to complain we are capable; concerning the acts, which now are spoken of as passed, not even to speak has it been allowed.
For those laws without any proposal were passed before they were written. I ask again, what is it, why should either I or anyone of ye, fathers and enrolled men, because of the Tribunes of Plebs fear bad laws. We have men at the ready who will intercede, men at the ready who will defend the Republic with religious sanction; empty of fear we ought to be. “What intercession would ye put on me? What religious sanctions?” spake he. It is by these laws, of course, the Republic’s safety is kept.
“We deny those things, and exceedingly antiquated and foolish are the things we do; the Forum will be surrounded, all in-ways will be closed, men armed in many garrisoned-places will be collected.”
What then? Whatever thus will be done, will it be a law? And into bronze to be carved ye will order, I believe ye will, carve those lawful words: “THE CONSULS THE PEOPLE BY LAW HAVE ASKED (for is this very thing from our ancestors we have received? Is this the lawful right of asking the people?) AND THE PEOPLE BY LAW HAVE THOUGHT ON IT.
What people? Those who were shut out?
By which law? Is it through the law which by violence and arms everything has been annulled?
And also I speak on the future, which is for a friend to speak of things beforehand so they may be avoided; if such things will not occur, rebutted shall be my speech. I speak of proposed laws, of which is important to ye; I point out sins -- bear them away; I call violence and arms away; remove them!
Indeed, to be angry at me speaking on behalf of the Republic it will not behoove thee, Dolabella. Although indeed thee to do this thing I do not think (I know of thine easiness); thy colleague, they say, in this, his own fortune, which good to himself it seems (in my opinion, lest more seriously I say anything, if his grandfathers’ and his own uncle’s Consulship he copies57, more fortunate he may seem) --but he is angry, I hear, that this was said. Moreover I see, how hateful it is to have the same man angry and armed, when such things particularly with swords may be done with legal immunity. But I shall propose a law, in my opinion, fair; a thing which Marcus Antonius I do not think will refute. I, if there is anything in his life or morals in insult I will have spoken, no less to me may he be the most hostile, for I shall not refuse; but if my habits (which in the Republic always I have I had) I will keep, that is, if freely what I feel concerning the Republic I will speak, I first pray that he will not be angry; then, if this I do not obtain, I ask that he be as angry with me as with a fellow-citizen is allowed to be. His weapons he may use if thus it is necessary, as he says, for the cause of defending oneself; those, who on behalf of the Republic have spoken those things which have been seen, let those arms not them harm. What more than this proposition is capable to be said to be fair?
But if, as to me by certain creatures of his this has been related, him every speech which is held contrary to his pleasure gravely insults, even if there is no insult, I shall bear a friend’s nature. But likewise do those men with me speak: “Not the same for thee, nemesis of Caesar, will it be allowed as with Piso, Caesar’s father-in-law,” and at the same time they, certain men, warn me that I shall beware: “And not will illness be a more just reason for not coming into the Senate than death’.
But by the deathless gods! On thee casting my gaze, Dolabella, who art to me most dear, not able am I at thine error to stay silent. For I believe that ye both noble men, looking upon certain great things, not for money, as certain exceedingly trusting people may suspect, money, which always by the greatest and most famous has been held in contempt, not for violent might and for power which is to be borne least by the Roman People, but for affection of the citizenry and glory ye exceedingly lust. Moreover, glory is the praise of deeds, great deeds worthy for the Republic, which is when each best man’s testimony is at the same time the multitude’s testimony in approval.
I would tell thee, Dolabella, what one who rightly those deeds have enjoyed, except that thee beyond others a brief time ago had been tested - I saw it. What art thou able to recall in thy life, what day has lighted upon thee more happy than when, after the Forum was cleansed, scattered was the gathering of the wicked, evil chieftains by punishment dealt, the city from and fire and slaughters and fear freed, than when thee to thy home returned?58 The zeal of what rank, what order, at last, what noble at that time by praise and congratulations of thine did not meet thee? Why, it was the same for me, as an authority thee in these affairs then they were thinking thou were using, and thanks good men were giving and in your name they were congratulating. Recall, I beg, Dolabella, that single-mindedness of the theater, when all forgetful of those affairs, on account of which they have been with thee offended, they marked that because of this new benefaction, they the memory of old pain had cast aside.
Thou, Publius Dolabella, (with great pain I speak), thou, I say, hast thou been able with a level mind such dignity to set aside? Thou moreover, Marcus Antonius (absent I name thee) that one day in which in the temple of Tellus the Senate was held, not in all these months, in which certain men, much with me disagreeing, think thee happy, which dost thou value more? What was that speech about harmony! From how much fear the senate, from how much worry the state at that time by thee was freed, when thy colleague, with enmities set aside, forgetful of the auspices by thee thyself as an augur of the Roman People had been announced, that first on that day thou wished a colleague for thyself, thy small son onto the Capitoline by thee was sent as a hostage of peace!
What day has the Senate been happier, what day the Roman People? Indeed in no assembly has ever been more people. At that time, at last, freed through the bravest men we were seeming to be, because, as they had willed it, peace was following freedom. In the next, the second, the third, finally in the following days, not were thou interrupting as if some gift daily thou bore for the Republic, moreover that greatest thing, which the office of Dictator you abolished. This was branding by thee, by thee, I say to the dead Caesar a mark of ignomy everlasting. For just as, on account of Marcus Manlius’ crime, with the decree of the House of Manlius, no patrician Manlius is permitted to be called Marcus59, thus on account of one Dictator’s hatred, the name of Dictator root and stem thou abolished.60
Wast thou not sorry, when these things on behalf of the wellbeing of the Republic thou hadst done, sorry for thy fortune? Thy greatness? Thy fame? Thy glory? Therefore whence at a sudden such a change as this? Not am I able to be convinced that I suspect thou to be by money seduced. It is allowed, whatever anyone wants, to say whatever; to believe it is not necessary. For nothing ever in thee was vulgar, nothing low-born I have recognized. Although personal friends are accustomed to cause depravity, sometimes; but I know thy firmness. And also would that a fault, like thus a suspicion you had been able to avoid! That is what I fear more, lest, being truly ignorant of a route for glory, glorious thou thinkst thyself alone more than all others to be and to be feared by your fellow citizens rather than to be loved by them you prefer. But if you think thus, the entire way of glory thou art ignorant. To be a dear citizen, faring well concerning the Republic to deserve, to be praised; worshipped; loved: that is glorious. To be feared, truly, and in hatred to be held is grudging; obscene; weak; doomed.
It is something we see even in the story of that very man, who said, ‘Let them hate me, so long as they fear me”: that it is dangerous61. Would that, Marcus Antonius, thy grandfather thou wouldst remember! Nevertheless, concerning him thou hast harkened much from me and very often so. Dost thou think that him immortality to be worthy of would he wish, so that because a love of wielding weapons he would be held in esteem? That was his life, that his favorable fortune, that in freedom he be equal to the others, and chief amongst them in worth. And so, to erase the deeds of thy grandfather thou hasten, his most bitter day I prefer than to Lucius Cinna’s despotism, by whom thy grandfather was most cruelly slain.62
But why shall I by my speech bend thee? For if the death of Gaius Caesar is not able to make it so that thou preferest to be dear than to be hated, no speech of anyone will make a difference, nor be strong enough. He whom they think was happy, wretched they themselves are. Happy is no one, who by this law lives, so that not only with impunity, but also with the highest glory of a murderer is he able to be murdered. Why bend thou, I beg, and thine ancestors look thou and thus guide as captain the Republic, so that thy birth thy citizens may rejoice, without whom neither happy nor famous nor safe any is ever wholly able to be.
Indeed the Roman People’s many judgments both ye have; by which ye are not enough influenced I very annoyingly note. For what at the gladiatorial contests are the shouts of uncountable citizens? The verses of the People? What of at Pompey’s statue the endless applause? What of when two Tribunes of Plebs are opposed to ye? Small do these things seem to mark unbelievable an agreement of the Roman People --every last one of them-- and their will? What more? The Apollo’s Games’ applause or the testimony and the judgments of the Roman People, these great things, small do they seem to ye? O happy are those men who, when they to be present because of the violence of arms they were not permitted, nevertheless they were present in minds and hearts of the Roman People! Unless by chance, for Accius63 at that time was the applause and in the sixtieth year after the prize he was awarded, instead of Brutus ye were thinking, who from his own games was absent, so that in that most splendid sight enthusiasm the Roman People were granting to him though he was absent, that desire for their own liberator be mitigated by everlasting applause and shout.64
Even I, who when such applauses are by popular citizens granted, always I have held in contempt. But likewise, when by the highest, the middle, the lowest, when finally by all classes this also happens, and when those who before to follow the agreement of the People they were accustomed, they run away - this is not applause, but a judgment I think. But if these seem unimportant to ye, which are most serious, ye do not also condemn this do you, that which you have realized, that so dear is the life of Aulus Hirtius65 to the Roman People? For it was enough that he was approved by the Roman People as he is; joyful to his friends, over whom he wins; dear to his own family, in whose eyes he is most dear; nevertheless, such worrying of the best men, such fear of all in one man do we remember? Certainly in no one.
What therefore to do? Do, ye, this, by the deathless gods! What is this that ye are not interpreting? What? There are those men who think on your own lives -- on these, do ye not think? Do you not think that to these men whom they hope they will consult concerning the Republic, that their lives are so dear? I have taken enjoyment, fathers and enrolled men, of my return, since both these things I have said, so that, whatever downfalls have occurred, my testimony’s constancy may stand out, and also I have, by ye kindly and diligently, have been heard. If there is any power of mine which oftener without mine and your danger occurring, I shall henceforth use; if less than this, as much as I will be able, not so much for me will I save myself, but rather for the Republic. For me it nearly is enough, that I have lived, either for my life’s span or for glory; hither if there is anything which will have bestowed, not so much unto me but rather unto ye and unto the Republic shall it bestow.
Philippicae - The Philippics Before concerning the Republic, fathers and enrolled men1, I shall speak of the following, which must be spoken at this time, I think; I shall lay out to ye briefly the plan both of my departure and of my return 2. When I, yes I, hoped at last that to your counsel and authority the Republic had been recalled, I was supposing that I had to remain as if in some role of guardianship due to my Consulship 3 and the senatorial career. Neither truly ever I was departing, nor from the Republic was I casting down mine eyes, from that day, that day in which to the temple of Tellus 4 we were summoned. In which temple, as much as it was within my power, I laid the fundaments of peace and I renewed an old Athenian exemplar: even the Greek word I used for my purpose, a word by which at that time was used in allaying discords by that city, and I voted all the memory of discords by oblivion everlasting is to be effaced5.
Very famous at that time was the oration of Marcus Antonius, excellent even was his purpose; peace at last through him and his children with the most forestanding citizens was made firm 6. And in these beginnings the rest was falling into line. To those deliberations, which he had at his home concerning the Republic, chief men of the state he was inviting 7. To the senatorial order the most important affairs he was deferring. Nothing then, except that which was known to all, could be found in the documents of Gaius Caesar; with the highest agreeableness to the things which had been asked of him, he was answering:
“Were there not any exiles returned?”
“One,” he was saying, “only one.”
“Were there not any immunities granted?”
“None,” he was replying.8
Even he wished for us to agree with Servius Sulpicius, a most famous man, lest any tablet after the Ides of March be published as a decree or grant of Caesar. Many things I pass over, each of them very well known; to a singular act of Marcus Antonius hastens my speech: the office of Dictator, which already the force of regal power had become beset, root and stem he abolished from the Constitution9. Concerning this matter not even our opinions did we speak. He brought with him a written executive order10, which he wished to be drawn up; at the reading of this, his authority with the greatest zeal we followed and to him the greatest words of thanks we gave through another executive order.
A certain light seemed borne to us now not only from the kingship which we had borne, but also with the fear of kingship borne away. And a great pledge from him11 to the Republic was given, that he wished her to be a free state, since the name of Dictator, which often had been lawful12, on account of the recent memory of perpetual Dictatorships, root and stem was abolished from the Republic.
From the danger of slaughter a few days later the Senate was freed . A hook was fixed into that fugitive, who had stolen the name of Marius13. And all these things he did in communion with a colleague; some other things were Dolabella‘s14 alone, things which if his colleague had not been away, I believe that they would have worked in concert.
For when slithers in the city an endless evil, and when it remains day after day wider, and when likewise a pyre in the Forum people construct, people who had made an unsepulchred sepulchre15; and when daily more and more lost men alongside their slaves, similar to themselves16, were threatening the homes and temples of the city, so great was the counter campaign of Dolabella against the bold and wicked slaves, then against the impure and heathenish freedmen, and such was the overturning of that unholy column17, that to me it seems miraculous the intervening time has been so unlike that one day.
For lo, on the Kalends of June18, when it had decreed that we were to be present, everything changed: nothing was done through the Senate, many and great things were done through the People, though the People both absent and disapproving. The Consuls-elect were saying that they dared not come to the Senate. Their country’s liberators19 were absent from that city, from whose necks the servile yoke they had cast down; nevertheless them the Consuls themselves in meetings and in every conversation were praising. Those who were being called Veterans, of whom this rank20 most diligently had been warned, not for the preservation of their own belongings, but for the hope of new loot were being roused21. Since I preferred to hear these things rather than see them, and since I held the free reign of a Lieutenantship22, I left with a mind that I might be present at the Kalends of January23, which seemed to be the beginning of the Senate assembling.
I have set forth, fathers and enrolled men, my departure’s reasoning; now of my return, which is more admirable, briefly shall I set forth. Since Brundisium and that route, which is well-trod into Greece, not without reason had I avoided, on the Kalends of August24 I was come to Syracuse, which from that city the crossing into Greece was being praised; however, this city, most closely related to me25, while wishing for me to stay more than one night, was unable to do so. I was afraid lest my sudden arrival to my relatives might bear something of suspicion if I had delayed there. Moreover, when from Sicily to Leucopetra, which is on the promontory of Rhegian territory, the winds had borne me, from that place I went up, so that I might cross over; and having not thus far been conveyed, I was returned by a bad wind into that very place whence I had gone up26.
And while unseasonably stormy was the night and while I had remained at the villa of Publius Valerius, a companion and intimate friend, the next day, while waiting for the same wind I remained, several municipals of Rhegium came to me, and of them certain men were recently from Rome; from these I first heard of Marcus Antonius’ meeting, which pleased me greatly, that, as it was read, I first began to think on a return27. Nor thus long afterwards is the Edict of Brutus published, and also of Cassius, which indeed to me, perhaps because them more so even for the sake of the Republic than for the sake of my friendship I love, seemed full of reasonableness28. They were adding especially (for as it happens frequently, that those who wish to bear good news attach something else by which they may make their announcement more happy) that: the matter would come to an agreement; that on the Kalends of August the Senate would assemble; that Antonius, having repudiated all evil panderers and remitted the provinces of Gaul, would return to the authority of the Senate.
Then truly with such desire was I inflamed for a return that me neither oars nor winds would satisfy, not that I was thinking I would not arrive on time, but lest I should be later than I desired in congratulating the Republic. And I, quickly to Velia conveyed, saw Brutus29; with how much of my pain I do not say. Shamefully to my very self it seemed that into this city I should dare be returned, while from which city Brutus was departing, and in that place I wish to be safe where he could not. Nor truly in the same manner, as I myself was, did I see him alarmed. For he was upright by the knowledge of his own greatest and most fine deed, nothing concerning his own misfortune, though many affairs of yours was he bemoaning.30
And from here I first learned what sort of oration of Lucius Piso on the Kalends of August had taken place31. He, although was little seconded (for this very thing I had from Brutus heard), by those whom he had ought to have such assistance; nevertheless, by Brutus’ telling of events (is it possible to more gravely serious than he?), and by everyone’s account told afterwards, all of these people whom I have seen, a great glory it seemed to me he32 has obtained. Therefore, to him, so that I might second, I hastened, to him whom those present did not second, not so that I might be foremost in some way (for not was I hoping for such a thing, nor was I able to prevail), but so that, if anything to me, within reason, would have happened (for many things seem to hang overhead beyond that of even Nature or even of Fate), nevertheless this day’s voice as a witness to the Republic I might leave, a voice of my everlasting devotion to it.
Since I am confident that both decision’s reasoning, fathers and enrolled men, be approving to ye, before concerning the Republic I begin to speak, a few things I shall complain concerning yesterday’s injustice of Marcus Antonius; to him I am friendly33, and never have I ever said that I owe nothing to his duty which he has done for me. But what, pray, was the sort of reason why to the Senate yesterday was I so bitterly summoned? Was I alone absent? Or do ye not less often have fewer attendees? Or was a matter being voted upon that even the ill ought to be carried forth? Hannibal, I believe, was at the gates, or peace with Pyrrhus was being debated, for which reason even that famous Appius, blind and elderly, had been brought forth, if memory serves34.
Concerning thanksgivings was the matter being debated, in which sort of thing Senators are not accustomed to be lacking. For they are compelled not by pledges, but by the thanks of those whose honor is given, and likewise this occurs when a triumph is being debated35. In such a debate without a care the Consuls are, so that there is nearly freewill for a Senator to not be present. Since to me this order of business is well-known, and since from the road I was weary and I was displeased, I sent, on behalf of my friendship, a man who would say these things to him. But he, with ye all listening, with masons said would come to my home36. Too irascibly was this said and very ill-tempered. For what sort of wrongdoing is such that this is the punishment, that to speak to this Senatorial order he dares that he would destroy a home built publicly at public expense by the will of the Senate? Moreover who has compelled a Senator with such condemnation, or what punishment is there beyond the forfeiture of a pledge or a fine? If he had known what opinion I intended to speak, he would have relaxed a bit forthwith concerning the severity of his compulsion.
Are ye of the opinion, fathers and enrolled men, that I would have voted on the decree ye unwilling assisted, so that the Parentalia37 with thanksgivings might be commingled, that inexplicable rites into the Republic are introduced, that so granted these thanksgivings be for a dead man? Nothing I say is for him. Even as that famous Lucius Brutus38 was, he who both himself from the regal lordship freed the Republic and to the same courage and the same deed progeny now in the nearly five-hundredth year afterward he has produced; nevertheless, I would not be able to be induced to join any dead man to the observance of the deathless gods, with the result that, whoever’s sepulchre it may be, wherever the rites are performed, for him at public expense he be given thanks. Truly I, yes I, would have said this sentiment, so that I would be set against the Roman people, if any more grave misfortune would have befallen the Republic, be it war, illness, famine, easily would I have been able to defend my opinion, which things some already exist, and others I fear are hanging overhead. But this I wish the deathless gods may pardon both the Roman people, those who were not approving of this, and this senatorial order, who decreed this unwilling.
What? Concerning the remaining ills of the Republic is it permitted to speak? I truly am permitted and always will I be permitted to guard my dignity and to despise death. Let there be the power of merely coming into this place, I do not decline from the peril of speaking. And would that, fathers and enrolled men, on the Kalends of August had I been there! It would not have been to do anything, but so that not merely one man of Consular rank be present, as it happened then, a man worthy of that honor, worthy of the Republic could be found. Indeed from this affair great is the pain I have, that men who have enjoyed the greatest things of the Roman people did not Lucius Piso, leader of the best opinion, second. On that account did we the Roman people Consuls make, so that in the highest step of dignity we be placed so that we might hold the Republic as nothing? Not only in voice was there no man but Lucius Piso of Consular rank, but not even in your facial expressions were in agreement. What wickedness is this damnable willful servitude!
There will have to be certain necessities; nor do I desire this from all of these men who an opinion from the Consular bench speak. There is another case there for them, whose silence I pardon, and another case for them, whose voice I require. Those who indeed I am pained that in the suspicion of the Roman people they have come not only because of fear, which is very shameful in and of itself, but some have one reason, others another why they fail in their dignity. For which reason do I the greatest thanks have and bestow upon Piso, who, not what he might be able to do in the Republic did he think on, but instead what he himself ought to do. Then from ye, fathers and enrolled men, I ask that even if to assist less ye will dare, my rational and my authority, kindly me, as ye have up until now, listen.
Firstly the acts of Caesar to be preserved I voted, not something I approve (for who can do that?), but by having the rational above all, I think, for peace and leisure. I might wish that Antony were here, merely without his lackies (but, I imagine, he is permitted to be unwell, given that I was not allowed by him to be such yesterday); he might illustrate to me, or more likely to ye, fathers and enrolled men, to what end he himself might defend the acts of Caesar. Shall in the memoirs, and handwritings, and scrap papers which are produced, some not even produced, but at times merely spoken of, the acts of Caesar be confirmed? Shall the things is he inscribing into bronze39, in which as the people’s commands and everlasting laws he wished, now be held as nothing?
Indeed I esteem nothing there so great in the acts of Caesar than to be the laws of Caesar. What if to someone there was something which he promised? Will this be done, even if this same thing he was not able to do? As many things were promised for many, many he did not do. Nevertheless much more things have been found after his death than while alive, good deeds through all the years is it possible to be granted and given. But those I do not alter, I do not move; with the highest zeal that man’s most famous acts I defend. Would that money in the temple of Ops remained! Bloodstained it may be indeed, but in these times, since they are so, whosesoever it really is, it is not returned, but necessary.40
Then also that is to be squandered, if such were in the his acts. Is there anything whatever so strange may be able to be said to be an act of his, yes, he who toga-garbed as a civilian, in the Republic by power and military command was invested41, which is also a law? Ask for the acts of Gracchus; the Sempronian Laws will be produced42. Ask for Sulla’s; the Cornelian Laws. What? Pompey’s third consulship43 was established in which acts? Of course in his Laws. Concerning Caesar himself, if ye could ask him, what he did in the boundaries of the city and clad in a toga44, many laws, he would reply, and excellent did he pass. But his handwritings verily either he would change or not publish them, or, if he had published them, not would these things in his acts would he list. But these things themselves I yield; even to these affairs I turn a blind eye; in the greatest instances verily, that is to say, the ones in his laws, the acts of Caesar dissolved, it this a deed to be carried out? I think not.
Which law is better, more useful, best even, and one very often urgently demanded for by the Republic, than the one which bars Praetorian Provinces from being held more than a year, and Consular ones more than two45? With this law repealed, do Caesar’s acts seem to be able to be preserved? What? Because of this law, the one publicly proposed concerning the Third Decuria, are not all Judicial Proceedings of Caesar dissolved46? And ye who the acts of Caesar defend, are ye also overturning his laws? Unless by chance, if there were anything he might wish to remember he recorded into a notebook, then it shall be counted among his acts, and, although unfair and useless it may be, it shall be defended; and whatever to the People at the Comitia Centuriata47 he proposed, it among the acts of Caesar shall be not counted.
But yet, what is that damned Third Decuria?
“Of Centurions,” spake he48. What? To this rank were not Judicial Appointments through the Lex Iulia, even prior to that, the Lex Pompeia, the Aurelia, made open?49
“The range of the Census was being fixed50,” spake he. Not only to the rank of Centurions indeed alone, but likewise to the rank of Roman Knights; and thus, men, most brave and honest, who those ranks have led, are acting as Judges and have acted as Judges.
“I ask not,” spake he, “after those. Whoever this rank has led, let him act as Judge.” But if ye were to propose that whoever among the Knights has held merit, which is a post more esteemed, there would be no one any of ye would approve; for in a Judge there must be seen both fortune and worth.51
“I ask not,” spake he, “after those; likewise, I am adding as Judges common soldiers from the Legion Alaudae52. For in another way our men say not that these are able to be saved.” O what a insulting honor is this for those whom to the post of Judging they were not asked, but ye are calling them to do so! For this is the law’s synopsis: that those who in the Third Decuria may act as Judges, but freely to act as Judges they do not dare to do. In this such an error is, O deathless gods, of theirs who have this damned law thought out! For the result is that whoever will be seen as very vulgar, thus very willingly with the severity of his judgments, his own vulgarities will he wash away and toil, so that to honest Decuriae he may wish to seem worthy, rather than into a vulgar one lawfully he be cast.53
Another law was put forth, that those both of violence and high treason54 found guilty, the People they may appeal if they wish. Come now, is this a law or the unraveling of all laws? For who is there today for whose interest this damn law stands? No one is guilty in light of these laws, none, whom in the future we may think may be guilty. For by use of arms have things been done which surely never into the courts will be called.
“But the matter is popular.” Indeed, would that anything else ye wish to propose be popular! For now all citizens concerning the Republic’s well-being together in both mind and voice are in agreement. Therefore what is this damn desire for the passing of this law, which the highest shame has, and of thanks, none? For what is more shameful than he who of high treason against the Roman People has threatened with violence, and he, found guilty in court, to that very violence is returned, the violence on account of which he was lawfully found guilty?
But what more of this law do I argue? Truly it is as if this were being done so that anyone might appeal; as if this were being done, if it were being passed, lest anyone entirely henceforth because of these damn laws may be found guilty. For which prosecutor so out his mind can be found, who after a defendant is found guilty, to throw himself against a mustered mob would wish; or a judge who a guilty verdict dares to render with the result that he himself before hired thugs is immediately dragged? No, therefore, is a right of appeal by that law given, but two most welcome laws and investigations are abolished. What is this other than some urging for the youth to wish turbulent, seditious, and dangerous citizens to become? Moreover to what mischief will the rage of the Tribunes not be able to be pushed, when these two investigations concerning violence and high treason are abolished?55
What? Is this not something which is opposed passage by the laws of Caesar, which order those who, concerning violence and likewise those who of high treason have been found guilty, from water and fire be barred56? When to these this appeal is given, are not the acts of Caesar annulled? Indeed, these things I, fathers and enrolled men, never have approved; nevertheless, thus to be kept for the sake of harmony I judged them, that not only laws which while alive Caesar had passed, to be annulled at such time was not my thinking, but not even to annul those, which after the death of Caesar ye have seen brought forth and published.
From exile have been called back many by a dead man; citizenship granted to not only singular persons, but nations and provinces --whole ones!--by a dead man; by exceptions endless have taxes been carried off by a dead man.
Therefore, these things by one man, truly an excellent authority, and brought from his home we do defend; these laws, which he himself to us looking them over read them aloud, he announced them, he passed them, in these passed laws he was reveling, and in these laws the Republic he was thinking could be kept, these laws concerning the provinces, the courts, these, I say, the laws of Caesar do we, we who defend the acts of Caesar, think his laws must be abolished? And nevertheless concerning these laws, which have been put forth, at least to complain we are capable; concerning the acts, which now are spoken of as passed, not even to speak has it been allowed.
For those laws without any proposal were passed before they were written. I ask again, what is it, why should either I or anyone of ye, fathers and enrolled men, because of the Tribunes of Plebs fear bad laws. We have men at the ready who will intercede, men at the ready who will defend the Republic with religious sanction; empty of fear we ought to be. “What intercession would ye put on me? What religious sanctions?” spake he. It is by these laws, of course, the Republic’s safety is kept.
“We deny those things, and exceedingly antiquated and foolish are the things we do; the Forum will be surrounded, all in-ways will be closed, men armed in many garrisoned-places will be collected.”
What then? Whatever thus will be done, will it be a law? And into bronze to be carved ye will order, I believe ye will, carve those lawful words: “THE CONSULS THE PEOPLE BY LAW HAVE ASKED (for is this very thing from our ancestors we have received? Is this the lawful right of asking the people?) AND THE PEOPLE BY LAW HAVE THOUGHT ON IT.
What people? Those who were shut out?
By which law? Is it through the law which by violence and arms everything has been annulled?
And also I speak on the future, which is for a friend to speak of things beforehand so they may be avoided; if such things will not occur, rebutted shall be my speech. I speak of proposed laws, of which is important to ye; I point out sins -- bear them away; I call violence and arms away; remove them!
Indeed, to be angry at me speaking on behalf of the Republic it will not behoove thee, Dolabella. Although indeed thee to do this thing I do not think (I know of thine easiness); thy colleague, they say, in this, his own fortune, which good to himself it seems (in my opinion, lest more seriously I say anything, if his grandfathers’ and his own uncle’s Consulship he copies57, more fortunate he may seem) --but he is angry, I hear, that this was said. Moreover I see, how hateful it is to have the same man angry and armed, when such things particularly with swords may be done with legal immunity. But I shall propose a law, in my opinion, fair; a thing which Marcus Antonius I do not think will refute. I, if there is anything in his life or morals in insult I will have spoken, no less to me may he be the most hostile, for I shall not refuse; but if my habits (which in the Republic always I have I had) I will keep, that is, if freely what I feel concerning the Republic I will speak, I first pray that he will not be angry; then, if this I do not obtain, I ask that he be as angry with me as with a fellow-citizen is allowed to be. His weapons he may use if thus it is necessary, as he says, for the cause of defending oneself; those, who on behalf of the Republic have spoken those things which have been seen, let those arms not them harm. What more than this proposition is capable to be said to be fair?
But if, as to me by certain creatures of his this has been related, him every speech which is held contrary to his pleasure gravely insults, even if there is no insult, I shall bear a friend’s nature. But likewise do those men with me speak: “Not the same for thee, nemesis of Caesar, will it be allowed as with Piso, Caesar’s father-in-law,” and at the same time they, certain men, warn me that I shall beware: “And not will illness be a more just reason for not coming into the Senate than death’.
But by the deathless gods! On thee casting my gaze, Dolabella, who art to me most dear, not able am I at thine error to stay silent. For I believe that ye both noble men, looking upon certain great things, not for money, as certain exceedingly trusting people may suspect, money, which always by the greatest and most famous has been held in contempt, not for violent might and for power which is to be borne least by the Roman People, but for affection of the citizenry and glory ye exceedingly lust. Moreover, glory is the praise of deeds, great deeds worthy for the Republic, which is when each best man’s testimony is at the same time the multitude’s testimony in approval.
I would tell thee, Dolabella, what one who rightly those deeds have enjoyed, except that thee beyond others a brief time ago had been tested - I saw it. What art thou able to recall in thy life, what day has lighted upon thee more happy than when, after the Forum was cleansed, scattered was the gathering of the wicked, evil chieftains by punishment dealt, the city from and fire and slaughters and fear freed, than when thee to thy home returned?58 The zeal of what rank, what order, at last, what noble at that time by praise and congratulations of thine did not meet thee? Why, it was the same for me, as an authority thee in these affairs then they were thinking thou were using, and thanks good men were giving and in your name they were congratulating. Recall, I beg, Dolabella, that single-mindedness of the theater, when all forgetful of those affairs, on account of which they have been with thee offended, they marked that because of this new benefaction, they the memory of old pain had cast aside.
Thou, Publius Dolabella, (with great pain I speak), thou, I say, hast thou been able with a level mind such dignity to set aside? Thou moreover, Marcus Antonius (absent I name thee) that one day in which in the temple of Tellus the Senate was held, not in all these months, in which certain men, much with me disagreeing, think thee happy, which dost thou value more? What was that speech about harmony! From how much fear the senate, from how much worry the state at that time by thee was freed, when thy colleague, with enmities set aside, forgetful of the auspices by thee thyself as an augur of the Roman People had been announced, that first on that day thou wished a colleague for thyself, thy small son onto the Capitoline by thee was sent as a hostage of peace!
What day has the Senate been happier, what day the Roman People? Indeed in no assembly has ever been more people. At that time, at last, freed through the bravest men we were seeming to be, because, as they had willed it, peace was following freedom. In the next, the second, the third, finally in the following days, not were thou interrupting as if some gift daily thou bore for the Republic, moreover that greatest thing, which the office of Dictator you abolished. This was branding by thee, by thee, I say to the dead Caesar a mark of ignomy everlasting. For just as, on account of Marcus Manlius’ crime, with the decree of the House of Manlius, no patrician Manlius is permitted to be called Marcus59, thus on account of one Dictator’s hatred, the name of Dictator root and stem thou abolished.60
Wast thou not sorry, when these things on behalf of the wellbeing of the Republic thou hadst done, sorry for thy fortune? Thy greatness? Thy fame? Thy glory? Therefore whence at a sudden such a change as this? Not am I able to be convinced that I suspect thou to be by money seduced. It is allowed, whatever anyone wants, to say whatever; to believe it is not necessary. For nothing ever in thee was vulgar, nothing low-born I have recognized. Although personal friends are accustomed to cause depravity, sometimes; but I know thy firmness. And also would that a fault, like thus a suspicion you had been able to avoid! That is what I fear more, lest, being truly ignorant of a route for glory, glorious thou thinkst thyself alone more than all others to be and to be feared by your fellow citizens rather than to be loved by them you prefer. But if you think thus, the entire way of glory thou art ignorant. To be a dear citizen, faring well concerning the Republic to deserve, to be praised; worshipped; loved: that is glorious. To be feared, truly, and in hatred to be held is grudging; obscene; weak; doomed.
It is something we see even in the story of that very man, who said, ‘Let them hate me, so long as they fear me”: that it is dangerous61. Would that, Marcus Antonius, thy grandfather thou wouldst remember! Nevertheless, concerning him thou hast harkened much from me and very often so. Dost thou think that him immortality to be worthy of would he wish, so that because a love of wielding weapons he would be held in esteem? That was his life, that his favorable fortune, that in freedom he be equal to the others, and chief amongst them in worth. And so, to erase the deeds of thy grandfather thou hasten, his most bitter day I prefer than to Lucius Cinna’s despotism, by whom thy grandfather was most cruelly slain.62
But why shall I by my speech bend thee? For if the death of Gaius Caesar is not able to make it so that thou preferest to be dear than to be hated, no speech of anyone will make a difference, nor be strong enough. He whom they think was happy, wretched they themselves are. Happy is no one, who by this law lives, so that not only with impunity, but also with the highest glory of a murderer is he able to be murdered. Why bend thou, I beg, and thine ancestors look thou and thus guide as captain the Republic, so that thy birth thy citizens may rejoice, without whom neither happy nor famous nor safe any is ever wholly able to be.
Indeed the Roman People’s many judgments both ye have; by which ye are not enough influenced I very annoyingly note. For what at the gladiatorial contests are the shouts of uncountable citizens? The verses of the People? What of at Pompey’s statue the endless applause? What of when two Tribunes of Plebs are opposed to ye? Small do these things seem to mark unbelievable an agreement of the Roman People --every last one of them-- and their will? What more? The Apollo’s Games’ applause or the testimony and the judgments of the Roman People, these great things, small do they seem to ye? O happy are those men who, when they to be present because of the violence of arms they were not permitted, nevertheless they were present in minds and hearts of the Roman People! Unless by chance, for Accius63 at that time was the applause and in the sixtieth year after the prize he was awarded, instead of Brutus ye were thinking, who from his own games was absent, so that in that most splendid sight enthusiasm the Roman People were granting to him though he was absent, that desire for their own liberator be mitigated by everlasting applause and shout.64
Even I, who when such applauses are by popular citizens granted, always I have held in contempt. But likewise, when by the highest, the middle, the lowest, when finally by all classes this also happens, and when those who before to follow the agreement of the People they were accustomed, they run away - this is not applause, but a judgment I think. But if these seem unimportant to ye, which are most serious, ye do not also condemn this do you, that which you have realized, that so dear is the life of Aulus Hirtius65 to the Roman People? For it was enough that he was approved by the Roman People as he is; joyful to his friends, over whom he wins; dear to his own family, in whose eyes he is most dear; nevertheless, such worrying of the best men, such fear of all in one man do we remember? Certainly in no one.
What therefore to do? Do, ye, this, by the deathless gods! What is this that ye are not interpreting? What? There are those men who think on your own lives -- on these, do ye not think? Do you not think that to these men whom they hope they will consult concerning the Republic, that their lives are so dear? I have taken enjoyment, fathers and enrolled men, of my return, since both these things I have said, so that, whatever downfalls have occurred, my testimony’s constancy may stand out, and also I have, by ye kindly and diligently, have been heard. If there is any power of mine which oftener without mine and your danger occurring, I shall henceforth use; if less than this, as much as I will be able, not so much for me will I save myself, but rather for the Republic. For me it nearly is enough, that I have lived, either for my life’s span or for glory; hither if there is anything which will have bestowed, not so much unto me but rather unto ye and unto the Republic shall it bestow.
1 The formulaic address for “Senators”. The original formula read "patres et conscripti" - "fathers (patricians) and enrolled men (plebeian-born Senators), but the et was lost and is often rendered "conscript/enrolled fathers" - this translation is slightly imprecise.↩
3 Consul- “Advisor” - the two Consuls were the supreme executive magistrates of the Roman Republic. Essentially, the office of Rex(King) was broken between two persons elected by majority. They held almost equal power (the first to garner the most votes was named First Consul and so procedurally voted before his colleague). These magistratus maiores (“Greater Magistrates“) were the presidents of the Senate and guided the Senatorial agenda. They had absolute veto power, even over each other. Each were protected by twelve lictores (bodyguards) upon their person as they walked through the city, and they had the right to wear the toga praetexta, (“purple-bordered toga” - a white toga decorated with a broad red/purple stripe three inches wide along the edge) and the right to sit the sella curulis (the Chariot’s Chair - a chair symbolic of power and authority as it has no back and low arms, symbolizing the weariness and uncomfort of a long sit and not doing one’s task in a timely and efficient manner: one‘s authority is not everlasting). The Roman year was named after the two Consuls (i.e. “in the Consulship of Caesar and Bibulus” = 59 B.C.)much like the Eponymous Arkhons of Classical Athens. ↩
4 Tellus, the Italian Gaia. Given the ancient nature of her worship, there perhaps indicates a pre-Roman cult site on the Carinae, the southwestern spur of the Esquiline Hill. Florus recounts that the first temple on the site was dedicated by Publius Sempronius Sophus during an earthquake which struck while fighting the Picentes in 268 B.C. This building was rebuilt and rededicated by Cicero’s brother Quintus (who owned the site which was adjacent to his property) on December 13, 54 B.C. Senatorial meetings were sometimes held there.
This meeting to which Cicero refers was a tense one at best: the conspirators were in the Capitoline while the Senate met at the Temple with Antony to decide their fate. Antony refused any motion to honor the conspirators as tyrannicides (which would legalize their slaying of Caesar and absolve them of the murder) but likewise refused to condemn them as criminals - this is clearly the deal hashed out between Antony and Brutus & Cassius immediately following the assassination. In return, Antony was able to pass the acts of Caesar as law. Cicero spoke of reconciliation and friendship. ↩
5 The Greek used was mh\ mnhsikakei~n (mê mnêsikakein)- “Remember not past malice!” ↩
6 Antony’s (and Lepidus’s) children were offered as hostages of good faith to the conspirators so that they would descend from the Capitoline. ↩
7 That night, after the meeting at the temple of Tellus and the conspirators descended from the Capitoline, they all dined at Antony’s home.↩
8 Cicero is recounting questions put forth to Antony which he answered with the highest agreeableness. Contrast this willingness to cooperative with Antony’s later behavior. ↩
9 This was done in early April. Though a legally elected office of the Republic, the post of Dictator had, in the past forty years, been abused by the powerful generals Lucius Cornelius Sulla and Caesar. Too much as kings had they acted and Caesar paid a fatal price for it. ↩
10 The executive order was drawn up by Antony in order to abolish the office of Dictator. ↩
11 Antony↩
12 As an exemplar of how the office was meant to work, Romans turned to the story of Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, whose son had been found guilty of driving the Tribunes of Plebs from the Forum, prohibiting them from casting their votes. Cincinnatus had to sell his home to pay this criminal fine, and so retired to his farm. Some time later, when the Consular army was cornered in the mountains by the enemy Aequian tribe, the Senators voted to name Cincinnatus Dictator. The messengers bearing the will of the Senate found Cincinnatus farming his fields; he would not receive them until he had donned his patriotic toga. Receiving the Senate’s vote, he assumed the office, defeated the Aequians, gave up his power, and returned to his simple farm within seventeen days. A Dictator’s maximum term was sixth months; both Lucius Cornelius Sulla and Gaius Julius Caesar extended their terms beyond that time. The Dictator was elected in times of emergency to act in the place of a king, which no Roman would tolerate, hence the restrictions upon their office: a short term of service, forbidden to sit a horse, and having a second-in-command to lead the cavalry.↩
13 In early April, a man named Herophilus erected an altar and column to Caesar’s memory (upon it were inscribed the words “To the Father of the Country”) and publicly renounced Antony as having abandoned Caesar’s cause. Antony had him arrested and executed, but no move was made to remove the column until Dolabella destroyed it at the end of the month. The man was known popularly as Marius, named after the famous plebeian general and rival of Sulla; for this reason this man is known as the Pseudo-Marius. The hook refers to the post mortem Roman habit of dragging the executed’s corpse through the streets via a hook pierced into the body in order to maximize the shame of their crime; the corpse‘s ultimate resting place was the Tiber River. ↩
14 Publius Cornelius Dolabella was born in the early 80s B.C. He first sided with Pompey in the Civil War of 49 B.C., but later changed sides to Caesar before the defining battle at Pharsalia in July of 48 B.C.. Upon his return to Rome, he was such in debt and received no aid from Caesar that he had himself elected Tribune of Plebs by having a plebeian adopt him, though he was a member of the Cornelian House of the Dolabellae branch, a distinguished patrician family (Clodius had done the same). While Caesar was away in Egypt, Dolabella as Tribune caused much trouble for Antony (acting in the capacity of Master of the Horse, the Dictator’s second) by attempting to pass measures which would abolish all debt. Caesar finally called the troublesome man from Rome to join him on his military campaigns in Africa and Spain. When Caesar was slain, Dolabella was given the Consulship alongside Antony. Dolabella had been also married to Cicero’s daughter Tullia, the light of the orator's life, but was now divorced - draw your own conclusions. ↩
15 Caesar’s body was burned in the Forum, for the spirits of the crowd moved them to set him alight there at once after Antony made his funeral oration. The Romans were not accustomed to bury or cremate corpses within the walls - most tombs lay in the areas just outside the gates of the city. Caesar’s funeral was a highly untraditional one. Cf. #37 ↩
16 Caesar’s veterans. They are like slaves of Antony, his pawns.↩
17 Cf. #13↩
18 The 1st day of June. In late May, Cicero formally requested a Lieutenantship to go east to visit his son in Athens. He saw that things were going to go badly when the Senate convened on June 1st and formally excused himself- he was correct: Antony, with the veterans all about him, announced more fictitious acts of Caesar and that he would not take Macedonia, but would take Cisalpine Gaul while keeping his Macedonian soldiers. The next day, Antony would pass this, giving him Cisalpine Gaul for five years, contrary to the legislation of Caesar which kept Proconsuls from keeping provinces past two years and Propraetors keeping theirs past one (Cf. #43) ↩
19 Brutus and Cassius.↩
20 The Senators.↩
21 As veterans were Antony’s creatures and were being used to intimidate any opposition. ↩
22 Which he had just recently requested.↩
23 The 1st day of January. Cicero left for Greece on July 17th. ↩
24 The 1st of August. ↩
25 The city is known to Cicero because he served his Quaestorship in 75 B.C. in Sicily. He rendered a valuable service to the Sicilians by prosecuting their corrupt governor Verres, for which he was much respected there. ↩
26 A testament to both the continued failure of the Romans to navigate bad weather (cf. Polybios’ Histories), and how difficult sailing on the Mediterranean could and can continue to be.↩
27 Antony had given a speech on August 6th in which he extended friendly terms to the conspirators. Brutus and Cassius stayed in their respective hiding placed in Italy, unsure of how to act. ↩
28 The terms of the Edict of Brutus and Cassius are unknown, but it seemed that Brutus and Cassius justified themselves and then set a reconciliatory meeting with Antony and the Senate on August 1st. Cicero was obviously overjoyed at this idea and set out for Rome, but was only to be disappointed. ↩
29 Sometime after August 1st, but before Brutus’ departure from Italy at the end of the month.↩
30 Typical sollicitudes and empty etiquette. Cicero was almost more certainly enamored with Brutus’ cause than Brutus himself. They had had a strained relationship in the past (it was Cicero who put a stop to Brutus’ fleecing of provincials and therefore stopped him from making a very large amount of money) and Cicero was angry with the conspirators for being out-maneuvered by Antony. So while this meeting may have been as painful and sad as Cicero describes, there was probably a great deal of anger behind it as well - Brutus had sloppily played his hand in his bid to save the Republic and had lost. ↩
31 The content of the speech is unknown, but it clearly attacked Antony. Lucius Calpurnius Piso was father of Calpurnia, Caesar’s widow, and so the late Dictator’s father-in-law. ↩
32 Piso.↩
33 One hopes that some Senators chuckled at this. More typical sollicitudes and empty etiquette, for the two were never friends.↩
34 Hannibal, the famous Carthaginian general, was a favorite boogey-man of the Romans. “Hannibal ad portas!” (“Hannibal at the gates!”) was a famous cry of hyperbolic alarm used by mothers to frighten unruly children. Pyrrhus, King of Epirus (a northwestern Grecian region), was a cousin of Alexander the Great on his mother’s side and a brilliant tactician. He was employed by the southern Italian Greek states to fight the Romans who were expanding upon their territory. When Pyrrhus attempted to use diplomacy and ambassadors’ seductions to achieve his ends, the senile and blind Roman statesman Appius Claudius was brought to the Senate to shake the Romans from their complacency. Renewed by his admonitions, the Romans eventually drove Pyrrhus out of Italy. ↩
35 Cicero’s argument is that these matters on the Senate’s agenda, thanksgivings to be voted upon and such, are so routine and unimportant that it did not matter if he could not attend due to his weariness from travel. Antony was angry at Cicero for missing that meeting because those matters were not as routine as Cicero claims: Cicero, as a wise, elder statesman, was meant to be present and publicly vote upon these thanksgivings and awards to the late Caesar. The orator did not want to show his support for such a action that smacked of deification of Caesar, and so made an excuse for his absence. ↩
36 Antony threatened to send stonemasons to tear down the walls of Cicero’s home. The orator apparently took great offense to this, most likely because his home, all 3.5 million sestertii of it, had been burned down some years ago by Publius Clodius Pulcher. His villa at Tusculum was likewise burnt. After his return from exile, the homes were rebuilt at public expense (which he is happy to mention). ↩
37 A nine-day festival in February which honored one’s parents, both at the familial level and at the state level, as there was a public procession on the opening day of the festival which honored the parents/founders of the Roman state. The paterfamilias (male head of the family) led his family with offerings of garlands, wine-soaked bred, and cakes to be laid in sacrifice on their familial tombs which lay outside the city walls. Honoring Caesar at the Parentalia would secure his reputation as a father of his country.↩
38 According to Roman legend, one of the prime instigators of the expulsion of the last Romano-Etruscan king, Tarquinius Superbus. His direct line descendant was Caesar’s slayer, Marcus Junius Brutus. ↩
39 Important laws or legal documents were incised into bronze given the believed longevity of the medium (cf. the Augustan poet Horace who claimed that the corpus of his poetry would constitute a monument more lasting than bronze - Exegi monumentum aere perennius). The most famous of these were the Twelve Tables (cf. Livy III.57), the original basis for all Roman law. Ironically, the means by which the Romans thought their important documents would survive did not: no exemplar of the Twelve Tables survives to this day - stone and marble would prove to be more lasting. ↩
40 Immediately following Caesar’s assassination, Antony removed 4.5 million sestertii from the Temple of Ops, which was located on the Capitoline. Caesar had originally deposited 7 million there. Ops was originally a Sabine (an Italian tribe, neighboring Rome) fertility/earth goddess, the wife and consort of Saturnus. After encounters with the Greeks, the Romans identified Ops with the Hellenic Titaness Rheia and her husband Saturn with Kronos. ↩
41 There was a very drastic and marked difference in the Roman mind between the garb of a soldier and the toga. The toga was a civilian garment, being so cumbersome and intricately wrapped that it was nearly impossible to fight while clad in it. The toga was to be worn by Roman citizens while in the city and conducting business, government, and civilian affairs. To have military power while dressed in the toga was the mark of a Dictator. ↩
42 The Gracchus brothers, Tiberius and Gaius, were formidable opponents of the Senatorial class and paid for their meddling with their lives. As People’s Tribune, Tiberius enacted agrarian reforms and other such popular laws at the risk of angering the Senate; the Senators slew him and his supporters. Nine years later, Tiberius’ younger, more ambitious brother, Gaius arrived at Rome and held the same People’s Tribunate post his brother had held. The Sempronian Laws are the legal passage of the Tribunate acts of Gaius Gracchus. Furthermore, Sulla’s acts which he passed as Dictator were legally passed as the Cornelian Laws. Cicero’s point is that often an illegally enforced act has become a legally passed law. ↩
43 Pompey’s third consulship of 52 B.C. was his without a colleague: he passed the laws De Vi, De Ambitu, and De Sodalitiis, by which he was able to save Rome was the violence of Milo’s gang.↩
44 i.e. legally. Cf. #41.↩
45 The practice of allowing governors to retain their provinces for years produced some violent and corrupt people. Verres extended his governorship of Sicily to three years, during which he carried out an infamous campaign of looting, fleecing, and murder. Caesar had command of the province of Gaul from 58 B.C. until he marched against Rome on January 9th, 49 B.C. Having such a long post, many of which were increasingly far away from any investigations or prosecutions of the capitol, tended to make these governors behave as greedy monarchs, especially when given command of legions of armed soldiers. Caesar himself is said to have abolished such extended posts because he understood the effect of running one’s own domain has on one’s psyche and did not wish to have any rivals who might become power-mad just as he had been. Antony recently sidestepped this legislation by giving himself the province of Cisalpine Gaul for five years instead of Macedonia. Praetor - “He Who Is Foremost” - an elected position under Consul. There were originally two, but the expanding empire needed more: by the time of Caesar, the number had been raised to ten (Augstus would set the number at twelve, Tiberius to sixteen). Originally a military rank denoting a field marshal, the Republican Praetors were essentially chief justices with military generalships. Within the city or the field, they held sway, unless vetoed by a Consul. Propraetors were given command of provinces after serving their annual term as a Praetor. These magistratus maiores each had six lictores upon their person as they walked through the city, the right to wear the toga praetexta, and the right to sit the sella curulis. ↩
46 Originally, a Decuria was a division of ten men (Latin: decem - ten; cf. Centuria - centum - a hundred). Like almost all Roman elected positions, the decuria has its roots in the military - a Decurion was the head of a division of ten knights (his infantry equivalent was the Centurion, who commanded a hundred soldiers). In 70 B.C., the passing of the Lex Aurelia (Cf. #49) allowed the Third Decuria, which was, at the time of Cicero, an obsolete rank of Treasury Tribunes (the Tribuni Aerarii), to act as judges; the other two ranks being the Senators and the Equites (the Knights). When conducting the Census, the Censors estimated a man’s property and classed the citizens into their ranks, adding or subtracting members from the highest Senatorial Rank and the middle Equestrian Rank; all others were lumped into a third, lower class. These Tribuni Aerarii were originally elected members of the state who collected taxes from the Italian allies of Rome; however, by Cicero’s time, they were merely a sub-rank of the Equites, much like private contractors today. In 55 B.C., Pompey made modifications to the judicial selection process by lowering the property requirement; however, in uncharacteristically anti-popular fashion, Caesar abolished this law with his Lex Iudicaria in 46 B.C. - the populist Dictator did away with the Tribuni Aerarii as judges, perhaps finding their low status as indicative of a base socio-moral understanding. Here, Cicero is asking the chamber if these illegally passed acts of Caesar which are-re-granting judicial appointments to the Third Decuria, the Tribuni Aerarii, are not overturning Caesar’s legally passed law which took those appointments away. Cicero is pinning the writing of the “acts of Caesar” to Antony who wants to fill the judicial appointments of the Third Decuria with his creatures in Caesar‘s name. Antony had his way well by November of 44 B.C. as Cicero was still railing against the base and vile status of these Antonian lackies in the 5th Philippic (V; 15.5)↩
47 Comitia Centuriata - “The Centuriate Assembly” - of the three Comitia (Assemblies, the others being the Comitia Tributa - “The Tribal Assembly”- and its sub-assembly, the Comitia Plebescita -The Plebeian Assembly”), this Assembly was the voting body of Roman citizens acting in their capacity as soldiers (hence the military title of the Assembly) in voting blocs of a hundred men which voted together and cast one vote. Since military rank was based on property, the propertied classes made up the first centuries and thus voted first. Once a majority vote was reached, the voting stopped - many of the less propertied centuries never cast a vote because the aristocratic centuries decided the matter so uniformly. There were 193 centuries in Cicero’s time. The Comitia Centuriata voted for the higher magistrates: Consuls, Praetors, and Censors; passed legislation; and could sit as a judicial body. Cicero is highlighting that Caesar proposing legislation to the People at the Comitia Centuriata is legal and correct, unlike these acts being passed posthumously. ↩
48 Antony. Cicero is recounting further questions which were asked of him. ↩
49 The Lex Pompeia, passed by Pompey in 55 B.C. The property requirement to be a Senator or Eques was lowered, allowing Centurions to act as judges when they were barred from doing so before (Cf. #46). The Lex Aurelia, passed by the Praetor Lucius Aurelius Cotta in 70 B.C. The law wished for judicial appointments to be given to selected men from each of the three ranks: from the Senators, from the Equites, and from the Tribuni Aerarii. Centurions could make enough money to be counted in the Census among the Tribuni Aerarii.↩
50 Meaning, the property requirement had been fixed by the Censors and the citizens had been properly classed.↩
51 The idea is that someone who has great fortune and social standing is clearly level-headed and moral, qualities which make a good judge. Cicero is asking why the Senators have no issue with Antony adding Centurions to the Third Decuria where not one of them would vote to allow the Knights, a rank more esteemed, to hold the same post. Keep in mind that the Centurions are Antony’s. ↩
52 Alauda - “a crested lark”. This legion was raised by Caesar in Gaul and was so named because of the lark-like plumage which adorned their helms. Now the men being appointed by Antony are not just Centurions, but they are Gallic Centurions! Cicero, like any sensible-minded Roman, was not above xenophobia and wished to capitalize on the perception that Antony was lowering the standards of judicial appointees more than anyone else before him. ↩
53 Cf #51. Common and base men who have been unwillingly and unwittingly placed in the position of acting as a judge will judge more harshly and severely because they themselves wish to seem honest. Antony’s ploy to stack the courts with his lackies will backfire, as his lackies will be ashamed by how unworthy they are of such a dignified post. ↩
54 The crime of maiestas, high treason, was one of extreme seriousness in Rome, usually met with executions and property confiscation. Exile (denial of the “fire and water” which symbolized civilization and society) was also known. Though it was a custom from the most ancient of Roman antiquities to appeal to the People from a response of any magistrate, Cicero is appalled that an act has been passed which permits someone guilty of the most serious crimes of high treason and violence could be allowed to escape punishment based on the whim of the voting populace. ↩
55 The People’s Tribunes, ever vigilant and on guard against encroachment of the rights of the lower orders, would certainly rail against a law which allowed influential aristocrats who have been found guilty of high crimes to appeal to a crowd of supporters and bought men to be cleared of all charges. ↩
56 The customary formula describing banishment. The exile is denied “fire and water”, meaning he is shut off from the community. Caesar himself, Cicero argued, would be appalled at this right of appeal to the People. Once again, Cicero points out where Caesar’s acts (passed posthumously by Antony) run contrary to Caesar’s laws (passed while alive as Dictator). ↩
57 Antony’s grandfathers, Marcus Antonius the Orator, was Consul in 99 B.C. (Cf. #59) and Lucius Julius Caesar the Elder in 90 B.C. Antony’s uncle (his mother Antonia‘s brother), Lucius Julius Caesar the Younger (son of the Elder), was Consul in 64 B.C. ↩
58 When Dolabella destroyed the column erected by Pseudo-Marius. Cf. #13 ↩
59 Marcus Manlius, hero of the Gallic Sack of Rome of 390 B.C., then attempted to use the confusion following the sack to raise himself to kingly power. He was defeated and his descendants agreed upon a lasting damnatio memoriae that none of the House of Manlius may be named Marcus. The House of Antony would pass a similar measure concerning the name Marcus after Antony’s defeat at Actium at the hands of Octavian in 31 B.C. ↩
60 The Dictator being referenced is Caesar. ↩
61 “Oderint dum metuant.” - “Let them hate me, so long as they fear me.” What would become the favorite motto of Caligula seems to have originated with the Roman poet and grammarian, Lucius Accius, who was personally known by Cicero. Accius wrote free translations of Greek works, most notably the lost play Atreus, which contains the above quotation. ↩
62 Marcus Antonius the Orator, Consul in 99 B.C. and Lucius Julius Caesar the Elder, Consul in 90 B.C. (cf. #57). The Orator was an opponent of the Populares and their leaders Gaius Marius and Lucius Cornelius Cinna (Caesar’s father-in-law). When Marius and Cinna seized control of Rome in Sulla’s absence, this Antony the Orator and Lucius Julius Caesar the Elder were slain in the proscriptions of 87 B.C. ↩
63 Cf #61↩
64 Apollo’s Games, given annually on July 6th, were paid for by Brutus, though he was absent from the city. Cicero is pointing out that Brutus is receiving applause and praise for the games and this indicates that the People may turn on Antony. Or perhaps the applause was merely for the play being performed, the Tereus of Lucius Accius. Who can say? ↩
65 Aulius Hirtius, Consul for the following year, 43 B.C. He and his co-Consul, Pansa, will be slain in a battle against Antony mid-year. ↩
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