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-THE CAMPAIGN CONDUCTED WITHIN GALLIA AGAINST THE GERMANIC TENCTERI AND USIPETES-
[IV.2] Forays by merchants have been made unto them, the more so that they may have persons to whom they may sell the things they take in war, rather than any desire on their part that that they import anything. But also in regards to pack animals, in which the Galli derive the greatest delight and furnish at great expense, the Germani have no use of such imports, but the animals which are born in their environs are both small and ill-shaped, but because of daily exercise become very large so that they may complete their tasks. Oft in battles involving horses, they leap down from their mounts and fight on foot, while they have trained the horses to stay in their same place and to them the men quickly retreat when the need arises. And, according to their custom, they hold nothing to be more contemptuous or useless than to use a caparison. And so, against any number whatsoever of caparisoned steeds, they dare to go up against even when they themselves are numbered few. In no way do they suffer wine to be imported to them, because they deem it to soften men in the carrying out of their toils, and to also make them womanish.
[IV.3] As a nation they think it to be the highest praise to have the land from their territory made empty as widespread as possible. By this they think it signifies that a great number of states cannot withstand their might. And so, on one side of the Suebi, about six hundred miles is said to be empty. On their other side the Ubii lie, whose state is large and flourishing (by German standards); these, although they are the same people, are slightly more civilized than the rest, especially because they border on the Rhine, much do merchants visit them, and they themselves, on account of their closeness to the Gallic tribes, have become accustomed to their manners. Although these people the Suebi, though they had often engaged in many wars, had been unable to drive out of their lands on account of the great size and importance of the Ubii's state, nevertheless they made them tributary to them, and reduced them to a much more humble and weakened state.
[IV.4] In the same condition were the Usipetes and Tencteri, of whom we have spoken above. For several years they withstood the might of the Suebi, but nevertheless were driven out of their lands to the furthest extent of their territory; and in many places throughout Germany they wandered for three years, until they arrived at the Rhine, which districts the Menapii inhabited. This people had their crops, buildings, and hamlets on either bank of the river, but when they became terrified by the arrival of such a large group of people, they moved from their homes which they had across the river, and, having set up garrisons on the hither-bank of the Rhine, stopped the Germani from crossing. And when the Germani, who had suffered everything and could neither orchestrate an attack with force on account of them lacking ships, nor could they cross in secret because of the watches of the Menapii, turned and pretended to go back into their original homeland and districts, they returned after marching for three days; and, their horse having completed the return journey within a single night, overwhelmed the ignorant and unaware Menapii, for they, having been informed by scouts concerning the departure of the Germani, had returned without fear to their holdings across the Rhine. With these slain and their ships captured, the Germani crossed the river before that part of the Menapii which was on the hither-bank was made aware, and then, with all the Menapii building seized, the Germani subsisted on their supplies for the rest of the winter.
[IV.5] Caesar, informed of these matters and afraid of the feebleness of the Galli, for they are fickle in the hatching of their plans and a great part of them are enthusiastic for revolution, deemed that nothing must be left in their hands. For this is the Gallic way: they force travelers, even when unwilling, to stop, and they ask each one of these travelers what news he hath heard and learned; and in the Gallic towns will the common people surround merchants and force them to declare from which districts they are come and what news they have learned of there. When by this news and reports they become alarmed, the Galli oft enact measures of the highest import, of which they must needs instantly repent, since they are at the mercy of unverified rumors, given most people give answers framed according to the asker's wish.
[IV.6] This trait of theirs known, Caesar, lest he encounter a more serious war, earlier than he had been wont set out for his army. When there he had come, he learned that which he had suspected would happen had occurred, namely that embassages had been sent from several states to the Germani, and they had asked them to depart from the Rhine, and all that which they had demanded had been readied for them. Influenced by this hope, the Germani then began to wander more widely and they had come into the territory of the Eburones and the Condrusi, who were vassal states of the Treveri. The Gallic chieftains summoned, Caesar decided that he ought to pretend ignorance of the things which he had learned. With their spirits assayed and encouraged, he requisitioned the horse and decided to wage war with the Germani.
[IV.7] The grain supply readied and the knights chosen, Caesar began to march into those locales in which he kept hearing the Germani were. When he was a few days' march from them, ambassadors came from them and this was their speech:
That the Germani had not been the first to declare war upon the Roman people, nor yet would they refuse if provoked to fight with arms, a thing which was handed down as a custom from their ancestors, and they would withstand any who declared war on them, and not would they beg. Nevertheless, said they, that to these environs had they come unwilling, cast out of their home -- should the Romans wish for their gratitude, they could become useful friends. Let the Romans then grant lands to them, or even allow them to keep the places they had taken in war. To the Suebi alone do they yield, to whom not even the deathless gods could be equal, for on earth there remains no one left whom they are not able to overcome.
[IV.8] To these words Caesar replied as was seemly, but the end of his speech was:
He can have no friendship with them if they should remain in Gallia. Neither is it true that those who cannot keep guard o'er their own territory should then seize others'; nor do any lands in Gallia lie empty which can be given to an especially so a great number of people without causing any wrong. But he was allowed, if they should wish it, to settle them within the Ubii' territory, of whom there were ambassadors with him to complain about the wrongs of the Suebi and to seek aid from him. He would order the Ubii to do this.
[IV.9] The ambassadors said that they would relay these things to their people, and, once the matter was discussed, they would return to Caesar after the third day; in the meantime, they asked that no closer to them should he pitch his camp. Not even that request did Caesar say he could grant, for he had learned that a large contingent of their cavalry had been sent some days ago across the Mosa river to the Ambivariti for the sake of raiding for grain. Caesar judged that the Germani were waiting for these knights and was causing a delay towards this end.
[IV.10] The Mosa River flows from the Vosegus mountain range, which is in the territory of the Lingones, and, when it receives a certain part of the Rhine which is called Vacalus, it forms the island of the Batavi, and not more than eighty miles from the Ocean, flows into the Rhine. Meanwhile, the Rhine springs from the Lepontii, who live in the Alps, and for a long stretch through the territory of the Nantuati, Helvetii, the Sequani, the Mediomatrici, the Triboci, the Treveri it quickly flows; and when it hath neared the Ocean, in several parts it divides, creating many huge islands in the process - of which a great part are inhabited by savage barbarian tribes who are thought to live off of fish and the eggs of birds -- and then it flows via many mouths into the Ocean.
[IV.11] When Caesar was no more than 12 miles from the enemy -- as it had been decided --ambassadors return to him, and, having met him on his march, began to earnestly beseech him not to advance any further. When this request they did not obtain, they asked that he send word to those knights who had been at the front of his column to forbid them from fighting so that he might give the opportunity for them to send ambassadors to the Ubii. If the chieftains and senate of the Ubii swore an oath with them, they made known that they would take up the condition which had been proposed by Caesar. In order to accomplish these affairs, they ask that he give them three days' time. Caesar judged that all of these requests pertained to the same one as before, that three days be given so their knights who were away could return. Nevertheless, he said that he would advance no more than 4 miles on that day for the sake of obtaining water; and that on the next day they ought to gather hither in the greatest possible crowd so that he might know their demands. Meanwhile, he sends to the Prefects who had gone forth with all the cavalry that they make an announcement that they not provoke the enemy to a conflict, and, if they themselves should be provoked, they ought to withstand the attack until Caesar himself could approach nearer.
[IV.12] But the enemy who had crossed the Mosa for the sake of procuring grain had not yet returned, and, when they first caught sight of our knights, they threw them into chaos after swiftly making an attack; though the number of our men was 5 thousands, they felt had nothing to fear because the Germani ambassadors had left from Caesar a little while ago and they had sought that very day for the armistice, and the number of the enemy was no more than 800 horse. When our men withstood their attack, the enemy, according to their custom, jumped down to their feet and, having gored our horses from below and causing very many of their riders to be thrown, sent our men into rout and drove them off in such a state of terror that the men did not stop in their flight until they had come within the sight of our marching column. In this engagement were killed four and seventy of our knights, and among these was a most brave man, Piso the Aquitanian, born from most esteemed stock, whose uncle had been king in his own state and named friend of our Senate. When he bore aid to his brother who had been closed off by the enemy, he snatched him from the danger, but he himself was thrown from his wounded mount and, as much as he was able, stood his ground. After he was surrounded and received many wounds, he fell; but then his brother, who had by now escaped from the battle and turned back his gaze to see his wounded brother fall, spurned on his horse and charged the enemy before he was slain.
[IV.13] This battle finished, Caesar deemed that neither ought he to hear the ambassadors nor accept conditions from those who, having sued for peace through deceit and ambush, declared war unprovoked. But to wait about while the enemy forces increased and their cavalry returned was a thing Caesar judged to be the height of madness, but, knowing the fickleness of the Galli, Caesar felt how much prestige the enemy had won o'er them with a single battle won, and so deemed that no time must be given them for the planning of strategy. These matters decided and the plan delivered amongst his Legates and the Quaestor that he not lose a single day in joining battle, a most opportune event happened: for on the following day, early in the morning, by means of the same treachery and dissembling the Germani are wont to use, all of their chieftains and elders came to call upon him at camp. They came, they claimed, to clear themselves, for against what had been said and what they themselves had asked for, they had engaged in battle the day before, but at the same time they asked if they could receive what they wanted by deceiving him. Overjoyed that these men had put themselves in his power, Caesar bid them be detained. He then led all of his forces and 500 horse out of the camp, but bid the cavalry follow at the rear, for he deemed them shaken by the recent battle.
[IV.14] With three columns drawn up and after the 8 mile march was completed, Caesar arrived at the enemy camp before the Germani were able to realize what was going on. With everything happening all of a sudden, they were thrown into fear by both the speed of our arrival and the absence of their own chieftains, and then are thrown into confusion because no time was given to them to form a plan or to take up their arms, or whether it would be better to lead out their forces against the enemy or to defend the camp or to seek safety in flight. While their fear was marked by a general uproar and running about, our men, who were angry by the treachery of the previous day, burst into their camp. It was here that those who could get to their weapons for a time withstood our men and joined battle amongst their carts and baggage; but the rest of the crowd -- for the Germani had left from home and crossed the Rhine with all of their people -- began to flee hither and thither, and Caesar sent his cavalry to overtake them.
[IV.15] Upon hearing a shout at their back and seeing their men killed, the Germani, after throwing down their arms and abandoning their standards, threw themselves from the camp; and when they had arrived at the joining of the Mosa and the Rhine, they so despaired of any further escape with such a great number slain that the rest threw themselves headlong into the river. And so, overcome by fear, exhaustion, and the might of the river, they perished. Our men, safe to a man, yet with several wounded, were freed from the fear of such a great war, since the number of the enemy had been 430,000 head, and so returned to camp. To those whom he had detained in camp, Caesar gave the power to leave. But fearing the punishments and torments of the Galli, whose lands they had oppressed, spake they that they wished to stay with him. Caesar granted to them the power to do so.
-END OF THE CAMPAIGN CONDUCTED WITHIN GALLIA AGAINST THE GERMANIC TENCTERI AND USIPETES-
-THE CAMPAIGN ACROSS THE RHINE-
[IV.16] The Germanic war finished, Caesar decided for many reasons that he must cross the Rhine: the most just reason of all of these was that, since he saw how easily the Germani had been driven to come into Gallia, he wished to make them afraid concerning their own affairs once they realized that an army of the Roman People both could and would dare to cross the Rhine. And then approached that part of the cavalry of the Usipetes and Tencteri, which I related above had crossed the Mosa for the sake of looting for grain and had not joined in the battle, had, after the flight of their men, retreated across the Rhine into the territory of the Sugambri and had joined with them. When to them Caesar had sent messengers to demand that they surrender those who had declared war on him and on Gallia, they made the following answer: The power of the Roman People endeth at the Rhine. If he thought it unfair for the Germani to cross into Gallia against his will, why then did he demand any of his power or prestige carry over across the Rhine?
But the Ubii, the only ones of those who lived across the Rhine who had sent ambassadors to Caesar, had made friendly terms, given hostages, and were very much begging him that he send aid to them because they were being grievously overwhelmed by the Suebi; or, barring that, if it were forbidden by the interested of the Republic to do so, might he only transport his army across the Rhine, a thing which would be enough to provide aid and hope for the time they had left. For they added that such was the name and reputation of his army even among the furthest tribes of the Germani after Ariovistus was defeated and this most recent battle was completed that they would be safe because of the reputation and friendship of the Roman People. They promised a great supply of ships to transport his army across.[IV.17] Caesar, for the reasons which I have related, decreed that he would cross the Rhine. But neither did he judge it safe enough, nor did he decide it worthy enough for him or for the Roman People to cross in boats. And so, even if the greatest difficulty of building a bridge presented itself on account of the width, the speed, and the depth of the river, nevertheless he deemed that he ought to strive for that goal, or else not take his army across. He implemented a plan for the bridge in the following fashion: logs a foot and a half thick were set at two foot intervals. Sharpened a bit at the end pointed towards the riverbed, they were measured out according to the river’s depth and joined. Putting these into the riverbed, he caused them to be held fast by derricks, and then driven into the ground by pile-drivers, not like piles driven straight up and down, but inclined and sloping so that they lean with the flow of the river. Likewise, he decided that double-sets of piles be joined and set opposite the others in the same fashion with an intervening distance of forty feet, but these were set against the force and rush of the river. O’er and above these piles were two-foot wide transoms set and filled the space where the piles were coupled, and held fast by twin fasteners on either outermost side. With these held apart and likewise bound tightly together in separate directions, such was the strength and nature of the work that the greater the force of the water drove against it, more fittedly did the joints keep hold. These straight beams were bound together with timber thrown atop, and then were thatched with wickerwork. And additionally were piles driven slantwise downriver to act as buttresses set against and joined with every part of the work so that they might withstand the force of the river's current. And other piles were driven a little space upriver from the bridge, so that, should tree trunks or ships be sent by the barbarians in order to break up the work, the force of such an attack would be lessened by these defenses, lest they harm the bridge.
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| Caesar's Bridge |
[IV.18] Within ten days from which the materials had begun to be collected to the finishing of the work was the army led across. Caesar hastened to the other side of the bridge, and, setting a garrison there, he went into the territory of the Sugambri. Meanwhile, ambassadors from several states come to him. He generously answers their requests for peace and friendship, and bids hostages be brought to him. But the Sugambri, from the time which the bridge had begun to be built readied their flight, and, upon the urging of the those among them who had come from the Tencteri and the Usipetes, left their territory, carried out all their belongings, and hid themselves in the remote places of the forests.
[IV.19] Caesar tarried for a few days in their territory, and, after all of their hamlets and buildings had been set aflame and their crops cut down, retreated into the territory of the Ubii and promised them his aid if they were being oppressed by the Suebi. He then learned these things from them: that the Suebi, after they had learned through scouts that the bridge was being built, they held a council according to their custom and sent messengers into all parts bidding that they all leave their towns, place their children, wives, and all of their possessions in the forests, and gather together into one place all those who could bear arms. The place had been chosen in the center of the domains which the Suebi possessed. Here they decided to await the arrival of the Romans and fight it out. When Caesar learnt of this, he had completed all of his tasks which he had decided were reason enough to lead an army across, namely to strike fear into the Germani, to wreak vengeance on the Sugambri, and to free the Ubii from their besiegement. And so, having spent 18 days across the Rhine, he deemed that enough had been advanced both in regards to praise and expediency that he retreated into Gallia and cut down the bridge.
-END OF THE CAMPAIGN ACROSS THE RHINE-
-THE FIRST INVASION OF BRITANNIA-
[IV.20] With the remainder of the summer season short, and even though all of Gallia faces towards the north and the winters are early, Caesar nevertheless hastened to depart for Britannia; for, in nearly all wars he had waged with the Galli, he came to understand that thence had reinforcements been furnished, and if the season of the year was detrimental to wage this war, he nevertheless deemed that it would be of great use to him if only just to go to the island, see what kind of people reside there, what environs, ports, and beachheads he could learn -- all of these things were nearly unknown to the Galli. For neither doth anyone heedlessly go there beyond merchants, nor is anything known by these very men beyond the seacoast and the domains which are facing Gallia. And so, with merchants summoned from all quarters to him, neither could he discover how large the island is, nor what or how many tribes live there, nor what experience of war they have or what government they employ, nor which ports would be more suitable for a larger number of ships.
[IV.21] In order to learn these things before he dared the risk, he deemed C. Volusenus suitable for the task and sent him forth with a warship. He commanded him to return as soon as possible once he scouted everything. Caesar himself sets out with all of his forces into the territory of the Morini, for thence was the shortest route to Britannia. Hither ships from algates out of the neighboring regions and the fleet which he had built in the previous summer for warring with the Veneti Caesar biddeth assemble. In the meantime his plan was learnt of and reported by merchants to the Britanni, ambassadors come to him from several states of the island to promise to give hostages and submit to the power of the Roman People. When he heard their words, Caesar graciously made promises and urged them that they keep their promise, and then he sends them back. Along with them he sends Commius, whom Caesar himself had installed as king once the Atrebates were defeated, whose valor and council he heeded, whom he deemed would be loyal to him and whose authority wielded great respect in these domains. He commands him to go to whatever states he is able and urge them that they keep their loyalty to the Roman People and announce that he himself would quickly come thither. Volusenus, after all the domains as chance could be given to him were surveyed, given that he dared not disembark from his ship and trust the barbarians, he returns on the 5th day to Caesar and reports what he had observed there.
[IV.22] While in these parts Caesar tarries while he readies the ships, ambassadors from a great part of the Morini came to him to plead to excuse themselves in the conduct of the previous occasion, for barbarians, unacquainted with our way, had made war upon the Roman People, and they themselves promise that they would do what he commanded them to do. Caesar deemed that this affair had happened fortunately enough for him, given that he neither wished to leave any enemy at his back, nor, on account of the season of the year, did he possess the ability to carry on a war with them, nor did he judge that the distractions of such minor matters as these ought to take precedence to Britannia, he commands a great number of hostages from them be handed over. Once the hostages were handed over, Caesar gives them his word. Around 80 merchantmen were gathered and collected, enough he thought to transport two legions, and he had warships for his Quartermaster, and he distributed what else besides to his Lieutenant-Generals and his Cavalry Commanders. To these were added 18 merchantmen, which were being held 8 miles from our location by the wind, whereby they were not able to make landing at our port. These he distributed amongst the horse. The rest of the army he gave to Q. Titurius Sabinus and L. Aurunculeius Cotta, Lieutenant-Generals both, to lead into the territory of the Menapii and those cantons of the Morini from which ambassadors had not come to him. Sulpicius Rufus, Lieutenant-General, he bade hold the port with such a garrison which Caesar deemed to be enough.
[IV.23] These matters decided, Caesar seized upon weather suitable for sailing, and at the 3rd watch, he disembarks and at the same time bade the horse to march to the further port and there embark and follow him. Since all of this was accomplished rather slowly, Caesar himself reaches Britannia with his first ships at about the 4th hour under the sun, and there he espied the forces of the enemy dotting all the cliffs and fully armed. The nature of this place was that the sea was hemmed in by cliffs so close by that a weapon could be tossed onto the shore from this higher ground. Having deemed this place in no way suitable for disembarking, Caesar waited at anchor while the rest of the ships met up to his location at the 9th hour. In the meantime, he summoned his Lieutenants and Tribunes and made known to them what he had learned from Volusenus and what he wished be done. Further, he warned them that his stratagem must be carried out by them at a mere nod and at very instant, actions which such maritime maneuverings required because of their quick and unsteady movements. The men were dismissed and, having obtained a wind and tide favorable at the same time, he gave the signal and weighed anchor. Having advanced 7 miles from that place, he beached his ships on an open and level shore.
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It is believed that Caesar's first attempt at landing was at Dover. But with the enemy dotting the cliffs and armed with javelins, Caesar decides on an easier beachhead around seven miles away (believed to be Kent). |
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| Modern Port of Dover, England's doorway to Europe (and vice-versa). |
[IV.24] But the barbarians, once they learned of the Romans' plan, sent forth their cavalry and chariots, several kinds of which they were accustomed to use in battle, and, the rest of their forces following at their heels, began to keep our men from disembarking their ships. This turned out to be the greatest difficulty for the following reasons: namely that our ships, on account of their great size, were not able to be landed except in deep water; and further, our soldiers, ignorant of the terrain, their hands impeded, and weighed down by the great and heavy load of their armor, then had to jump down from the ships, stand amidst the waves, and fight with the enemy -- all at the same time! On the other hand, the enemy advanced from dry land or went but a little into the water, all their limbs unhindered, the terrain familiar to them, and therefore they could boldly cast their weapons and urge on their horses which were used to this sort of fighting. Our men, dismayed by these circumstance and entirely unaccustomed to this way of fighting, did not make use of the same speed and zeal which they were accustomed to employ in their battles.
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| Walmer Beach is believed to be where Caesar landed, as it is the first easy beachhead south of Dover. |
[IV.25] When Caesar realized this. he bade the warships, the kind of which was somewhat strange to the barbarians and the movement of which was speedier in its service, to be moved back a bit from the merchantmen, and, propelled forth by their oars and thus stationed at the enemy's exposed flank, the enemy would be thus repelled and driven off by the casting of slings, arrows, and engines. For the barbarians, startled by the form of our ships, the movement of the oars, and their unusual kinds of engines, stood their ground and then retreated only a bit. And then, while our men delayed a bit, mostly due to the depth of the sea, the Eagle-Bearer of the 10th Legion called out to the gods to witness so that what he planned would turn out to be lucky for the legion, shouted: "Jump, soldiers! Lest ye wish to betray the eagle to the enemy! For my part, I will perform my duty to the Republic and my commander!" After he had spoken these words in a loud voice, he threw himself from the ship and began to carry the eagle to the enemy. Then our men, having exhorted one another that so great a disgrace be committed, jumped down from the ship as a body. Likewise, when those from the nearest ship saw them, they followed suit and advanced to the enemy.
[IV.26] Fighting was fierce on both sides. Our men, however, were greatly thrown into confusion, as they were neither able to hold their ranks nor stand firmly nor gather beneath their standards, and so one from one ship and one from another would run up to whatever standards he could. But the enemy, since they knew of all the shoals nearby, whenever they espied any of our men disembarking single file from a ship, would spurn on their horses and attack them while they were at a disadvantage. Many surrounded few, and they hurled their weapons upon the open flank of many group of men. When Caesar realized this, he ordered the skiffs outfitted to each warship, as well as the spy-craft, be filled with soldiers, and he sent them to succor those men whom he saw in difficulty. As soon as our men stood on dry land and all their fellows had joined them, they made an attack upon the enemy and sent them into rout. Nor were they able to follow them for very long, for the horse had not been able to maintain their course and reach the island. This alone failed Caesar in keeping up his earlier success.
[IV.27] After the enemy were overcome in battle and as soon as they recovered from their rout, they at once sent ambassadors to Caesar concerning peace. They promised to send hostages to him and do whatever he should command. Commius the Atrebatan came along with these ambassadors, a man whom I had written above was sent ahead to Britannia by Caesar. Him they had arrested and thrown in chains when he disembarked from his ship and despite bearing the commands of Caesar as a messenger. The battle finished, they then sent him back and, in order to sue for peace, put the blame of the matter on the mob, and, on account of this folly, they asked that they be pardoned. Caesar, although complaining that after sending ambassadors onto the continent and suing him for peace, they then made war without cause, he said that he pardoned their folly and commanded they hand over hostages. They gave a part of the hostages at once, while they said that the other part had been summoned from the nearby districts and would be handed over within a few days. Meanwhile, they bade their fellows return to their territories, and their chieftains began to gather from algates and surrender themselves and their states to Caesar.
[IV.28] Once a peace was established from these proceedings, on the fourth day after we arrived in Britannia, the 18 ships which have been mentioned above, the ones which carried the horse, set sail on a light breeze from the upper port. When the ships approached Britannia and saw our camp, such a storm suddenly arose that no ships was able to hold her course. Some returned to the same port whence they had set out, but others were quite perilously thrown to the lower part of the island, which is nearer to the west. However, having cast anchor, they were then filled with water, and, due to necessity, made for the continent after putting out to sea during a stormy night.
[IV.29] It happened on that same night to be a full moon, so that it is usually makes very high tides in that part of the Ocean, and this fact was unknown to our men. So, all at once, the tides filled the warships which Caesar had taken care to use to transport his army across the channel, and which Caesar had brought up onto dry land; and the storm was rattling the merchantmen which had been anchored, and no means was given to any of our men either to manage or handle such circumstances. Several of the ships were broken, while the rest were missing their cables, anchors, and other armaments had been made unfit for sailing, and a great confusion occurred throughout the whole army, which would necessarily happen. For there were no other ships by which they might be conveyed back, and given it was agreed by all that they spend the winter in Gallia, there was not enough grain provisions in these parts for the winter.
[IV.30] When these things were learnt of, the chieftains of Britannia, who after the battle had gathered before Caesar, spoke amongst each other. When they understood that the horse and the ships and the grain of the Romans had failed them and they came to realize how few soldiers we had due to the small size of our camp, which was even smaller than usual given that Caesar had made the crossing without any baggage, they thought it best to renew the rebellion by keeping out men from their grain and foraging and draw out the affair into the winter. They were confident that, since we were overcome by these setbacks and closed off from our way back, no one would cross over into Britannia for the purpose of making war. And so, having formed a conspiracy, they began to gradually leave the camp and secretly bring their people up from the countryside.
[IV.31] But Caesar, even though he had not yet learned of their designs, yet, given the disaster of his ships and that the Britanni had broken off giving hostages, he suspected what would happen. And so, he readied contingencies for every event. For he gathered the grain from the fields and put it in the camp on a daily basis, used the timber and bronze of the ships which had been most seriously wrecked in the rebuilding of the rest, and bade the things needful in accomplishing these tasks be gathered from the continent. And so, these tasks were managed with greatest zeal by the soldiery, and, though 12 ships were lost, the rest Caesar caused to be made as sea-worthy as possible.
[IV.32] While these things are being managed, one legion, which is known as the 7th, had been sent on their customary grain-run; no suspicion of any war had made itself known at that time, since part of our men stayed in the fields and a part kept coming into camp; and those who were stationed before the gates of the camp reported to Caesar that a greater dust cloud than was usual was seen in that direction whither the legion had marched. Caesar, suspecting that some new design was being undertaken by the barbarians, bade the cohorts which were at their posts to set out with him towards that direction, two cohorts from the rest to take their posts, and the rest to be armed and to forthwith follow after him. When he had advanced a bit from the camp, Caesar realized that his men were being hard-pressed by the enemy and they ill bore their attack, and spears were being cast from all quarters upon the tightly-packed legion. Since all the grain had been reaped from the rest of the fields, one part remained and so the enemy, suspecting that we would come to that one, hid themselves in the woods nearby. It was then that our men were scattered about, their arms set aside for the reaping, when suddenly they were beset upon; a few were killed, and the enemy threw the rest into confusion and surrounded them with horse and chariots.
[IV.33] This is the manner of the chariots' combat: first, they galloped about in all directions and cast their darts and so could break up the greater part of their enemy's ranks by the very fear of their horses and the roar of their chariot wheels. And when they gallop amidst the squadrons of cavalry, the warriors then jump from the chariots and carry on the fight on foot. In the meantime, the charioteers withdraw a ways off the field of battle and park their chariots in such a place that, if their warriors become beset by a mob of foes, they could then have a speedy retreat to their own forces. Thus do they exhibit both the quick movements of knights and the steadiness of infantry in battle, and so effectively do they engage in daily experience and exercise that even in sudden drops and steep places they have become accustomed to stop their horses galloping at full speed and to control and turn them at an instant and to even run along the pole connecting horse to chariot, to stand upright upon the yoke, and to return at speed thence to the chariot.
[IV.34] Our men were upset be these affairs, but at the most opportune moment, Caesar came to the rescue. For upon his arrival the enemy halted, and our men recovered from their dread. This done, he deemed it an ill time to provoke the enemy and join battle, and so he stood his ground and soon returned the legions to the camp. While these things were being handled and our men were likewise occupied, the Britanni left in the fields departed. Then followed several continuous days of storms which kept both our men in camp and the enemy from battle. In the meantime, the barbarians sent messengers into all parts and reported to their people the small number of our soldiers and made clear what an opportunity not just for taking booty, but for securing their freedom forever was given to them if they should drive the Romans from their camp. Due to these circumstances, a great number of their foot and horse were gathered and they came to the camp.
[IV.35] Caesar, even though he saw that the same things would occur which had happened on the previous days, namely that, if the enemy were beaten back, then they could speedily escape the danger, he nevertheless, having obtained about 30 knights, which Commius the Atrebatan -- of whom some has been spoken before -- had crossed over with himself, stood his legions in battle-array before the camp. When the battle joined, the enemy were not able to bear the attack of our soldiers for very long, and so they turned their backs in rout. Having followed them for as much of distance as they were able to given their speed and strength, our men slew a majority of the enemy and then, after setting every building far and wide aflame, they returned to the camp.
[IV.36] That same day ambassadors were sent by the enemy to come to Caesar concerning peace. Caesar doubled the number of hostages which he had commanded them before and bade them be brought back to the Continent, because he did not think that the voyage out to be put off til winter with the equinox being the next day and his ships were ill-repaired. So, having obtained suitable weather, he cast off from shore a little after midnight, and arrived with all of his ships undamaged to the Continent. But two merchantmen were not able to make the same ports which the rest could and so were carried a little further down.
[IV.37] When around 300 soldiers had left from these ships and hastened to camp, the Morini, which Caesar had left in peace when he was setting out for Britannia, had become influenced by a hope for booty, and first surrounded them with a small number of their men and bade that, if they did not wish to be slain, to lay down their arms. When they made a circle and defended themselves, quickly did around 6,000 men come to their shouting. This news reported, Caesar sent all the horse out of the camp to their aid. Meanwhile, our soldiers withstood the attack of the enemy and fought bravely for more than 4 hours. With few wounds received, our men slew the majority of these. But after our horse came into sight, the enemy threw down their arms and turned their backs; a great number of them were slain.
[IV.38] The next day Caesar sent T. Labienus, his Lieutenant, with those legions which he had led back from Britannia against the Morini who had fomented the rebellion. Since their swamps had dried up, they did not have somewhere they might retreat as they had done in the previous year, and nearly all of them came under Labienus' power. But Q. Titurius and L. Cotta, Lieutenants both, had led legions into the territory of the Menapii, laid waste to all their crops, cut down their grain, and set their buildings aflame, and now returned to Caesar, because the Menapii had hidden in very thick forests. Caesar pitched winter camp for all his legions among the Belgae. Thither only two states from Britannia sent hostages -- the rest neglected to do so. For these accomplishments, a thanksgiving of 20 days was decreed by the Senate upon receiving Caesar's letter.
-END OF THE FIRST INVASION OF BRITANNIA-
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